• The Ghosts of Movies Past–The Uninvited

    I originally thought of this title for a series about old films some time ago and I guess the title came to me by way of memories of “A Christmas Carol.” But I waited long enough to begin, that it now fits the season of Halloween. By “ghosts” here, I mean mostly the former, the lingering effect of films, both in the minds of individuals and in the rather ephemeral but I think important national subconscious-at least the subconscious of movie fans. So I begin with two kinds of ghosts to talk about, the effect of a movie and the subject of the movie itself.

    “The Uninvited(1944), is, technically, an American film but it sure seems like a British one. Set in Cornwall in the spring-summer of 1937, it concerns a brother and sister(Ray Milland and Ruth Hussey)who, while on vacation, discover a large, long deserted house and become determined to buy it. He is a London music critic and composer and she is, apparently, independently well to do. They pool their resources and succeed in getting the house, purchasing it from the owner, a crusty old carryover from Victorianism(Donald Crisp), and also come into contact with his overprotected and somewhat intimidated granddaughter, Stella(Gail Russell).

    The film, like most at the time, and fortunately, I think, in this case, is in black and white. It begins with a wide-vision shot of the sea and the audience gets to see white caps as the waters come ashore on the rocks. They also get to hear the sound of this. Meanwhile, they hear Milland doing a voice-over regarding the coasts of lands that border this part of the sea and their propensity for providing a background for ghostly events. This all sets the scene nicely and puts the viewer in an agreeable tingly mood.

    I will not go into the film in great detail here, but you need to know a little of what happens. The granddaughter, much against her Grandfather’s wishes, makes friends, barely, with the two Londoners. She and Milland seem to have a quick, closeness between them, and the stage seems set for romance, particularly when Milland writes her a song. But instead there is uncertainty and fear(“Stella By Starlight” became a jazz/Great American Songbook hit–you still might hear Miles Davis’s and other versions of it on Sirius “Real Jazz”)

    On the first night brother and sister are together in their new home, Milland hears the sound of a woman sobbing. His sister explains that during the weeks he was cleaning up details in London and she was civilizing the house, she heard this several times, and no, it’s not Lizzie, the housekeeper, whose cat behaved oddly and refused to go upstairs. “It comes from everywhere and nowhere,” she says. Yes, indeed.

    Without going into revealing details, I will merely say that this is the beginning of a tense and compelling ghost story that does not terrify you with nut cases running around with chainsaws, but may make your hair re-arrange itself a couple of times and send through you a couple of chills, so you feel as if you had just come inside on a cold winter day. Questions are asked and not, immediately, anyway, answered. The history of the house is studied and eventually, after quite a bit of tension and suspense, there are a number of ghostly manifestations(along with some explanations, too).

    If you check this out on-line you will find many people praising it. But some regard it as weak stuff, nothing like today’s “shock” films with noise, blood and violence. This is, in my opinion, a good thing. This movie is not about physical violence. It is about subtle, spiritual and psychological haunting and the different but still chilling fear it can bring. It is way more sophisticated than the gross chop ’em to bits type. It is by far my favorite supernatural film–“The Haunting” from the 1960’s would be second, but for all its qualities it is not equal to this.

    Part of the reason for this film’s excellence is found in the efforts of the director, Lewis Miller. Every scene seems to fit, to be an integral part of the story. The appearance and atmosphere of the house are allowed to play a significant role, but one you see or sense in the background, just part of the scenery of chills. When the manifestations do appear, they are not clear–they are foggy and indistinct, like something from a dream or a surrealist artist, as if telling us that this is not just a matter of other people, it’s other people from outside our reality, but real and perhaps threatening all the same.

    Given the movie’s age you might expect to creak a little bit–and it does, but only slightly. Some of the romance is a bit contrived and the attempts at humor are clearly several decades behind the curve. But these count little, they are a small part of the overall story, maybe 5% or less of the movie. And there is the brief presence of the elegant and unusual Cornelia Otis Skinner who in a very busy life acted a little bit and maybe should have more. Her teacher/counsellor is a combination of authoritarianism and doubtful sanity that you won’t forget.

    This is not a movie for people who want to be “shocked” by violence and mayhem and screaming. It is about the mystery and spookiness of encountering the supernatural and trying to figure it out, and being both afraid on one hand and anxious to learn on the other. It’s a film for people who like mystery in the most serious and meaningful sense of the term, the kind that sneaks up on you after midnight, and spooks your mind and soul rather than threatening your body. In an era where so many movies have the grossest violence with almost no subtlety at all, it is a reminder of civilized behavior and presumes it can exist among both those of flesh and blood and the wandering spirits. Try it, you might really like it.

    (Other than the common title, this film has nothing to do with the one made in the late 2000’s, maybe 2009 or thereabouts. I watched about 20 or 25 minutes of it once which was enough to determine that 1) The stories are not connected and 2) I was wasting my time)

  • Trump and the Separation of Powers, Part II–The Military Power

    I was planning to do a blog like this even before the US and Israel struck Iran about week and a half ago. Now it is imperative to me that I must do it and do it as soon as possible.

    First, some basics–1) The power to declare war belongs to Congress–this is not an ambiguity, it is clearly stated–see Article 1, Section 8 of the Constitution–2) The President is the Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forced(these two may be but are not necessarily contradictory) 3)The Power of the Purse–i.e. to provide money–belongs to Congress, who therefore could presumably stop any war eventually simply by refusing to vote funds to pay for it–this resulted in some discussion, but next to no action, during the Viet Nam War

    In addition to these, there is one other big fact–since the Declaration of War Power was last used during World War II, American troops have gone to war–or at least been placed in positions where they will be or might be attacked by other forces, at least 14 times(you could say a lot more than that depending on how you count these matters and how you define issues). No one has ever been impeached because of this or seriously threatened with impeachment, though it has often been mentioned in this connection and is being so mentioned now. I do have some thoughts on this and here are the main ones–

    There are some good reasons for why some of these things have happened. Not evrery President who has so committed troops was a bad guy who did it in bad faith or just for his own glory and/or reputation. Nonetheless this is always a possibility and needs to be taken seriously and so discussed by poitical leaders and commentators

    The first instance was in Korea . The country had been overtaken by Japan who ruled it until they lost the war. Then it was divided into 2 more or less mutually agreed upon zones. The North would be dominated by the USSR, the South by the US(similar arrangements also appeared in Viet Nam). Not surprisingly the USSR worked to set up a Leninist-Stalinist military dictatorship in the north. The US tired to set up a more or less constitutional and at least partly democratic government in the south. It was, of course, oriented toward the US and the West in the Cold War.

    In June, 1950, with the support, but not direct military assistance of the USSR, North Korea invaded South Korea. It was dominated then by its borderline-psychotic leader Kim Il Sung, grandfather of the current (borderline??)leader, Kim Jung Un. The attack took the South and the US, largely and incomprehensibly, by surprise and the North Koreans advanced quickly. President Harry Truman took the issue to the UN which passed a resolution calling for resistance to this out and out aggression. The resolution escaped a Soviet veto because the Soviets, in a fit of pique, were boycotting the UN, a mistake they never made again, as far as I know!

    HST referred to this as a “police action” rather than as a war and felt this way he could get support from other UN members(he did get a lot)and avoid the constitutional demand of a Congressional Declaration of War. This never got to the Supreme Court and in the court of public opinion Truman clearly won at least at the beginning. The US resisted and although it supplied around 80%-90% of the personnel and equipment, it did so with a lot of at least nominal allies, some of whom were actually there in person if not in large number.

    This action likely saved South Korea from being absorbed by Communism and preserved individual freedom for the South Korean people(It did not prevent lousy government and corruption at times, but this was less of a price than the North Koreans were paying).

    HST felt that he did not have time to go to Congress. The North Korean advance was very fast and it would take days, maybe more to get any Congressional action. He also felt that the League of Nations had proved irrelevant in the end because it failed to provide serious resistance to the Japanese militarists, the Italian Fascists and the German Nazis later. He did not want to make the same mistake.

    I do not condemn what Harry Truman did. But I regret the precedent it set. I shall now delve into two of the more important of the later interventions and attempt to describe each one and its effect on the US and history, though the first one involved very little intervention. The other led to the biggest lat 20th century US war.

    It is tempting to skip the Bay of Pigs, but I will touch upon it. No American troops were directly involved but the US itself surely was. Fidel Castro had been in power for a little more than a year when John F Kennedy became President. Despite his denials of being a communist it was clear that he leaned in that direction and that he was getting help from the USSR and Nikita Khruschev, the most significant of the Stalin clones to replace the wartime dictator. He showed a slight(but only slight)tendency to be a bit more rational in dealing with the West. And it should be said that the US broke diplomatic relations with Cuba before the Soviet-Cuban alliance became full.

    A lot of Cubans fled Cuba and for good reason. (Many settled in FL and largely guaranteed its becoming a Republican State later as the Dems lost their hold on the South). Some went to other countries. There quickly arose a wide spread anti-Castro movement in the US and elsewhere who felt they could put together enough anti-Castro fighters to topple the new dictator.

    The international group assembled was a rather motley mix of people who despised Castro, ranging from near Nazis through non-Fascist right wingers and more or less normal conservatives, to democratic socialists to genuine liberals who detested the totalitarian, thought controlling Castro dictatorship. This group was encouraged by the Eisenhower Administration, though Ike was careful not to get too close it. A lot of people, both Americans and coalition members believed that with US air support this would work.

    JFK knew next to nothing of this until he was in ofice and had it dropped in his lap. Perhaps after some thought and consideration, he decided to go along with it. At first this included the aforementioned air support. But when the attempt was actually made in April, 1961 there were two big deficits. First, the promised uprising against Castro of the Cuban people, expected and predicted by a number of observers, including the CIA, did not happen. Second, the US air support did not materialize in any significant way. JFK provided some but withdrew it early. The whole thing was over in a couple of days and many of the would-be rebels died in the attempt or wound up in Castro’s jails. Congress was hardly involved at all in this at all and the Executive branch dominated though it did not succeed in its objective. I draw no conclusion at this point but I leave it to be pondered.

    I certainly will not take time to analyze many more of these, but one, now no longer remembered by almost anyone short of 60, should be mentioned in that it has affected the American conscience and consciousness for 2 to 3 generations. That, of course, is Viet Nam.

    Like Korea, Vietnam ended up with a north-south split after WWII. Almost immediately American leaders began making mistakes and kept it up for 3 or 4 Administrations and about an equal number of decades. Harry Truman made one of his very few White House blunders when he chose to make an enemy, not an ally out of Ho Chi Min. Ho was the leader the radical anti-colonialists and anti-Westerners. But while he was unquestionably a communist he was also a Vietnamese nationalist. When he was a 20ish busboy in 1919 he managed to get to the Paris Peace conference to plead, unsuccessfully, for freedom for his country. (Imagine what might have happened if he had succeeded)

    But Truman, not an easy man to intimidate, was apparently taken with the idea that the right wing Republicans, not just conservative but hysterically anti Communist would ruin his Presidency if he allied the US with HO. So an opportunity was missed. There were good reasons for being anti-USSR and anti-communist. The former was a brutal, expansionist totalitarian dictatorship and communism gave it a “logical” and “moral” reason that made some some radicals to support the Soviets. Comparisons of USSR to Nazi Germany were not entirely wrong. But there grew an insane right wing Anti- communism during the war which emerged ,full blown when the war ended. It would poison American political discourse(see “McCarthyism”) for years and ironically served as an unintending boost to the Soviets and their goals by often making their opponents look ridiculous.

    The Eisenhower Administration kept up the fairly low level military and financial support to the pro-US South Vietnamese government. But in 1956 Eisenhower refused to allow participation in an election in which all of Vietnam would vote. He later said he did it because everyone he talked to about this said the communists would win. That was likely true and would appear to have been better than what did happen, and furthermore must have somewhat tarnished the US reputation for supporting democracy. Of course this was not as obvious to President Ike as it is now. Nonetheless, i think her made a serious mistake here.

    This was based upon an historical assumption known as the Domino Theory about which more shortly. Like the Bay of Pigs, JFK inherited the Vietnam issue, but in some ways it was the more difficult. It needed not a quick decision but a long term commitment to a shaky government, not very popular with its own people and not apparently able to defend itself against its more more powerful neighbor(North Vietnam) and its dangerous domestic insurgents, allies of the North Vietnamese, the Communist dominated Viet Cong.

    JFK had plenty of other things to worry about in foreign affairs, mainly Cuba and Khrushchev. After the anxiety-inducing Cuban Missile Crisis in 1962, this was even more or a concern. JFK’s only meeting with Mr K had been in Vienna in 1961 and rumor had it that the older and(maybe)tougher Khrushchev intimidated the young American leader. If so, JFK bounced back fairly quickly. He seems to have made a vow, to himself at least, that he would be pushed around no more and Mr K would not intimidate him again. So in 1963 he was very Cuban/Khrushchev oriented.

    Still, all this may well have affected his attitude toward Vietnam. He had increased slightly the amount of military/economic/advice aid given to the South Vietnamese. He decided to continue with the increases.

    After JFK’s assassination ,LBJ found the mess of Vietnam in his lap. He was quite liberal for a southerner in domestic policy and his Great Society Legislation revived the spirt of the New Deal and gave Americans Medicare and the Civil Rights Act among other things. In foreign affairs he was by no means a Neanderthal as he was sometimes portrayed, but likely a little more conservative and perhaps less subtle than JFK.

    He decided to continue to back the South Vietnamese which most possible Presidents at that time I think would have done. But in 1964 the crunch came when the US Navy reported that one of its ships had been attacked by members of the North Vietnamese Navy, near North Vietnam, but in clearly international waters and therefore in a place where they had a legal right to be.

    There appeared to have been two strikes in two days and this is the way it was reported to LBJ. It now appears that the first strike was real, the second one not–possibly it was a the result of a misreading of the ships computer info. Possibly it was intentional. It could have been both. The infuriated Johnson told the Navy to extract revenge. He addressed the nation and asked Congress to back him with a resolution which became know as the Gulf of Tonkin Resolution. It granted to the President the right to strike back at the North Vietnamese for any attack upon American ships in neutral waters. It did not define or even mention any kind of time limit.

    No one paid much attention to this issue at the time, but a year later, after a commitment of over 100,000 American troops many Congress Members felt betrayed(Practically all of them voted for it–the entire House of Representatives and all but 2 Senators). This became a strong matter of contention for more or less the rest of the war. Note that the matter of a War Declaration hardly was mentioned, but Congressional cooperation with the Executive was, to some degree, assumed.

    A lot of its initial support was likely because a lot of people still believed in the Domino Theory, the idea that if one Southeastern Asia nation “went Communist” the others would follow like a row of dominoes. Although it seems very unlikely now(and we know it turned out to be be untrue)it was not an entirely ridiculous thing to think at the time. After World War II, which to some extent could be blamed on Western Appeasement(particularly at the Munich Conference), there appeared in the consciousness and the subconsciousness of Western Diplomats and other leaders a sort of motto for the future– “No More Munichs.”

    Veteran TV newsman Dan Schorr pointed out in his one of his autobiographical books that this made sense–at the time. But the world had gone round many times since Munich and by the mid-1960’s some important things, Schorr noted, had changed. Some of them called into question LBJ’s nearly all out commitment to South Vietnam. (Dan also stated that this mistake led to a new motto for diplomats-“No More Vietnams” and opined that that one, justifiable enough at its beginning, might also not be true for a limitless amount of time.)

    I have gone into this is some detail because Vietnam is an example of a foreign policy issue which the President dominated and which he tried, to some degree, to share with Congress. And Congress responded, but the response was ineffective because of its lack of specificity about time and the fact that few were ready to defend it’s ideas for sometime after its passage. This shows us the complexities of this, particularly the delicacies of Presidential-Congressional cooperation or even communication.

    I start with these three instances because they are important in the beginning of this idea of combat without “war” declaration and because of the importance of the issues with which they dealt–naked aggression in Korea, an attempt to get rid of a likely serious threat in Cuba, and the beginning of the biggest US troop commitment since Japan surrendered to the allies, the US Vietnam commitment.

    There are many other times US combat personnel have been put in positions of danger and some in which there were casualties. You may find a recitation of these easily on the internet so I will say little specific about them in the rest of this article. But I have some thoughts to share with you.

    The first thing I want to note is that not all of these commitments were more than a very temporary invasion(the elder Bush’s intervention in Nicaragua is an example) and could not be reasonably defined as “wars.” Others were of greater length and/or violence. The current one against Iran is more like the traditional idea of a “war” than most, maybe all of the others.

    The point here is simply this. On a lot of these occasions Congressional action was likely to be late(HST and Korea)or to seem too inconsequential to get a war declaration from Congress. Now I am perfectly aware that the Constitution makes no such distinctions.. Read literally it could be logically argued that it requires Congressional approval for ANY commitment of American forces. I do not think that is a really reasonable interpretation, but I can see the possibilities here.

    The thing is that after Korea and especially after Vietnam, the idea of fighting a war without a Declaration of War was getting to be a part of American political assumptions. It happened so many times that it got to be accepted as something close to a fact by many, though by no means all, historians, politicians and media.

    The commitment of US troops went on. If you want to know how many times, check out US troop commitments in the 1980’s and since on line. I think you’ll be surprised by how many there are. If your memory goes back far enough you will surely remember some of them. They included

    –trying to bring stability to civil war-torn Lebanon

    –rescuing American students in Grenada(in the Caribbean in case you don’t know it–most Americans don’t)

    –getting rid of “Strongman” Noreiga in Panama–

    –air power supporting the UN effort to stop Serbian atrocities in the civil wars in the Balkans in the 1990’s-

    And there many more. None of these , of course, included a Declaration of War and the role of Congress was often small if not miniscule. So this became almost a way of being for US foreign policy and little was said about it(not nothing, little). This means that by the time of Trump is was more or less accepted de facto by a lot of people in America including many of our leaders, The Administration could argue this was so much a part of our foreign policy stance that it is unreasonable to talk about it now.

    We shall see shortly that I do not think this a very good argument, but it is one that has a certain amount of history and logic(if not much common sense)to it. The Administration, as far as I’m able to tell, has not made it. Well, they don’t like complexities.

    But I need to mention at this point that while this happened many, many times there is a difference this time and an important one. Of course all of these commitments were made

    BUT–these were mostly small time in that they lasted but a short time and cost little in number of casualties or money. This is clearly NOT true of our Bush-Obama-Trump era conflicts in the Middle East, but it is true of a lot of others before then and some during that time and they cannot, I think, have been of no influence in the way people, particularly American leaders, thought. Of course I am talking about an overall trend here and there clearly are exceptions, but the trend is important.

    This time, however, we have a couple of differences. The biggest is that this looks like a long contest against an implacable and well dug-in(literally and psychologically)foe. We also are not very well supported by our allies. Some are with us(and some stupidity by the Iranians may give us more) but some are lukewarm or less. The Brits, The French and the Germans seem to all have their doubts, though not opposing us so far.

    So this could be a long one and it could cost a lot of lives and pain and a huge amount of money. It could mess up our economy and other economies. It could be a serious event in world history, perhaps the most serious one of the time.

    In the puerile and tiresome argument about whether it’s a “war” I would say that it surely is. This is way more than a “Police Action” or “Military Action.” I would say this more and more suggests Congressional involvement is necessary and needed. Possibly this would include a Declaration against Iran.

    But the Administration’s own policy is making this harder. They have bombarded their public and the world with unconnected or contradictory explanations of why we are doing this thing

    –because they were getting ready to use nukes on us–no evidence has been provided to this effect

    –because Israel was going to hit them and when they hit back they would include the US–this one is possibly true, but I think the US is still strong enough to lean on Israel sufficiently to cause a delay–and our striking first does not to seem to have stopped their ability to respond militarily–just asked someone from Beirut

    –that we wanted “regime change”–if this is true it was surely one of their sillier ideas–it appears that we got the same regime with a new younger and possibly even more bitter and angry leader

    –concurrent with “regime change” there was an idea that a lot of people who hated the regime would rise up and kick it out(remember the Bay of Pigs?)–then the US could move in and take over or at least have influence. Trump even went from talking about democracy to demanding the right to choose the next Iranian leader, a possibility that Iran took away from him when they chose one

    So we have a chaotic situation which my be becoming slightly less chaotic because a tough enemy of the US is taking over as Supreme Leader. And we have ongoing US and Israeli attacks on Lebanon (to get Hezbollah)and all over Iran. And we have bombed buildings falling down, and large numbers of killed or injured, mostly in Iran, but many elsewhere too. And we have no idea of when or how this is going to end.

    There’s also this–I think that, as my wife pointed out to me recently, peoples, civilizations, etc have a sort of collective memory. This is sort of like Jung’s collective subconscious, only I’m talking about it as it relates to nations or other groups of people. We are dealing here with a people who have been around for centuries longer that the US, indeed longer than most European peoples. We know that we are ahead of them(though not by as much as we thought, perhaps)in some things, mostly technological. We also know that they have the inheritance of the wisdom of the ages when it comes to conflict, believing and not believing, fighting, enduring and the uses of and defenses against evil. I hope we–the US, the rest of the West, and all who believe in individual freedom willl learn enough and intuit enough to be a match for them. I do not expect the current administration to be up to that, but maybe somebody will be.

    I wish I had some other finish to this blog, but I guess I’ll stop here. I wish our forces well and I salute their courage and skill. But military power alone will not settle this. I despise the Iranian regime which is dictatorial and fanatic, but which still has large amounts of support which the Administration either ignored or didn’t understand. And there is no easy way out of any of this.

    But to return–I hope–to my original questions, yes, I do think the US Congress needs to get involved. We need as much collective wisdom as we can get out of our leaders. And we need some new leaders, too. But the election is not until late this year, and we need intelligence, understanding and a willingness to listen to others first. Let’s hope it’s there somewhere. Let’s hope the Congress and the Administration will reach wisdom, share it and act upon it. Let’s hope.


  • Trump and Separation of Powers

    The President’s recent actions in two main areas have started him(or advanced him)on a road toward conflict with the US Congress. They have also brought to national attention questions concerning what our constitution says and what it means, what assumptions have been made about it, and what our leaders should do about those assumptions, about the actions that have resulted (and continue to result) from them.

    I mean, of course, the questions of balance between the Executive and Legislative branches, and how these should and may affect our national well-being. Frequently these matters affect other nations and people as well as should be obvious (but apparently is not always) since foreign trade, diplomatic relations and the possible use of military power may be involved.

    The main principles should not be difficult to grasp. They are stated clearly, though without a lot of specificity in Article 1. In Section 8 it says, “The Congress shall have power to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts and excises.” Shortly after that it says that “To regulate commerce with foreign nations” is a matter that “:The Congress shall have power” to do.

    I wish to reflect(briefly, I hope, for both of us)on these issues, the (mis)interpetations they may inspire, and what they may portend. Then, perhaps, we’ll take a look at military power, and growing concern for many of us.

    The dictionary definition of a tariff is a tax imposed on imported goods to “protect domestic industries from foreign competition or exert political leverage.” Of course, a tariff may do both of these and more

    The first significant tariff in US History was the tariff of 1828 which was intended to assist new industries in the Northeast by keeping out cheap (mainly British) imports. It was denounced by the South as the “Tariff of Abominations” though this melodramatic name was excessive. It appears to have been a traditional tariff done for traditional reasons. But Southern planters felt it would harm them. It did nothing for protection of US Agriculture and they thought it would reduce foreign trader to the point that their wealth from agricultural, (particularly cotton) products would be diminished.

    It has been pointed out that this was, in a sense, a precursor to the Civil War as it was to some degree really about Slavery, which by now was looming large in the national debate and the South feared northern intervention on the issue. No doubt this is true, but I think some of the outrage over southern financial affairs was real. Southern planters had mistrusted banks in places like Boston and New York for a long time

    The debate on this became furious and many angry words were spoken. To my knowledge this was the first occasion when the word “secession” appeared in the national conversation. President Andrew Jackson, a southerner and slave holder, may have in some sense sided with the south inwardly, but he felt a strong loyalty to the Union and to the necessity of defending it. Largely through his efforts and threats a compromise was worked out that allowed each side to get something but tipped the scales in favor of national unity rather than disunity.

    Tariffs were slightly less important over the net 2-3 decades, though still sometimes the cause of contention. After the Civil War the Republicans were by far the dominant party until FDR and the New Deal era, and to a very large extent they used the tariffs to protect US industry. They were usually in charge and got their way and on the 2 occasions Democrats managed to change this situation, the next Congress promptly switched it back to being protectionist (that is, protective of US companies)

    After the stock market crash of 1929 and what appeareed to be the beginnings of a depression, the Smoot-Hawley tariff was proposed. It was to raise tariffs and therefore, it was believed by some, protect the US from the worst effects of what might be a worldwide issue. After the Congress passed it more than a thousand US economists wrote to President Herbert Hoover advising him to veto Smoot-Hawley as the now industrialized world economy would not yield to one tariff bill. Hoover signed the bill into law in 1930 and the Depression, already looming, became real. We know the rest

    In the years of the Depression and the war, trade understandings were still sometimes necessary. They were, however, usually negotiated between two countries or among a slightly larger number. Real tariff bills played little part in this era of Congressional History. This situation changed a bit not not much in the following decades, trade always an issue but tariffs usually being replaced with international trade agreements

    There was a significant 1970’s era law, the International Emergency Economic Powers Act(IEEPA) which Trump has found useful, as it allows the President to “regulate …importation” during emergencies. This immediately raises two questions–does the act include tariffs as “importation,?” And “what constitutes a national emergency that might yield to this sort of solution?” The Trump Administration has argued that act clearly means tariff imposition and they have, I think, a fairly logical case here. But opponents, businesses particularly, have pointed out “tariff: and “duty” are two words not in the law. So there is room for doubt

    During the Biden Administration the conservative leaning court ruled in many cases that an administration may not take certain types of action without explicit Congressional authorization., particularly when significant politial or economic questions are invlved. Though these decisions rarely if ever actually addressed tariffs, the implication is there and inferences likely could be made.

    This has now become a leading controversy of the 2nd Trump Administration, and the federal courts and finally the Supreme Court are proving the Constitution a stumbling block to Trump. His use of the emergency clause of IEEPA has led to every lower federal court which was asked for a decision to finding the actions violated the law, thought their reasoning varied. Then came the 6-3 decision a few days ago, which was followed by Trump’s bitter and adolescent sounding response.

    Trump and his followers argued that tariffs affect foreign affairs which traditionally are an Executive more than a Legislative matter. The Chief Justice disagreed, writing “Taxes, to be sure, may accomplish regulatory ends. But it does not follow that the power to regulate something includes the power to tax it as a means of regulation.” A lawyerly sounding statement?–Yes, and that’s why a civilized society needs lawyers.

    There is also an IEEPA provision that the President may raise taxes up to 15% for a maximum 150 days. You may remember the President used this to declare an extension, first 10%, then the maximum of 15%. Then with truly Trumpish regularity he went back to the original amount.

    And, apparently, there the issue stands for now. The above is a brief summation of the issue and if you want more detail check the internet article on Wikipedia, which I used for this article. But be assured this is an important matter and it is likely the country will hear more of it.

    That is enough to hear for now. I also wish to discuss Trump’s relationship with the constitution as regards war powers and the use of military action. I hope to do soon and that the President has not initiated military action in the meantime.

  • Some Noir in the North

    There was once an American suspense writer named James Thompson who attracted some attention back around mid-20th century times. At least one of his books was made into a film by that master of what Pauline Kael once described as “A Fascist Work of Art,” Sam Pekinpaw.

    When I ran across a book in the library entitled “Snow Angel,” I was attracted by the title and more so when I read the name of the author–James Thompson. It turned out that this one was from another generation and I was shocked to check him on the internet and find that he died about a decade ago,

    But he wrote a number of books, and I may well read more. “Snow Angel” is a treat for mystery fans, especially if they like police procedurals or noir type tough guy detectives and noirish reflections upon the shortcomings of one society and of mankind as a whole. Since I’m more or less interested in all three, this was of interest to me. And this interest was enhanced by the fact that he was a superb writer.

    He used short, declarative sentences very frequently. He was the Hemingway of his time and genre, telling his story in sparse, spare language. At the same time he allowed his hero an occasional piece of warmth, and having regrets and sheding of tears–all in all, a considerable accomplishment.

    Perhaps it is a sign of aging again(maybe not, though)that I feel compelled to give a couple of warnings. This is, as I have suggested, a tough book and a tough story. There is warmth but also there is violence and hatred and the author made no attempt to hide these or sweeten them. They are there and they are effective.

    He also had the gift of describing with brief brilliance violence and the effects of violence, particularly the latter. If you are hesitant to read something too grossly frank, too compellingly revolting about damaged bodies, wounds, and decadent hatred, beware. But I do have a suggestion. A few years ago I read a book that was a fairly good mystery but was replete with autopsy descriptions, some of which were described in a detail which got to my more sensitive tastes.I believe I got around that(I wanted to finish the book)by noticing when one of these was starting, and skipping quickly through it until it was over. I don’t think I missed anything very relevant to the plot. Anyway, if you like this kind of mystery novel, I suggest you try it–the book is well worth it.

    Thompson was an American who spent a great deal of time in Finland and knew the language and the culture well. His main character, Inspector Kari Vaarki, is largely the opposite. He is a native Finn who went to graduate school in the US and understands America and its culture. He’s also married to an American lady who works as a hotel-bar manager and was brought there by an employer who felt he needed her talents for his place.

    The Inspector is admirably ungenerous with unnecessary language and wordage, but he is generous in his descriptions, and if you know nothing about Finland to begin with you will know more when you finish(that’s not an intentional pun, incidentally)the book. Yes, it’s cold there. Much of the country is north of the Arctic Circle. it’s dark a lot, including about a week or so in December when there’s no sunlight at all. Partially because of this, he opines, Finns have a considerable tendency to depression. This results in heavy drinking sometimes leading to alcoholism and occasionally to violence. Still, there is something mysterious about the place, I thought, and this unspoken mystery sucks you in along with the more formal mystery of the book.

    Finland has also, in recent years become a refuge home for people fleeing Somalia. There are several thousand of them now and they are an important part of the culture. The Finns were happy to play the role of care-givers and benevolent hosts to the Somalis at first. But in time, well, time itself changed this a bit; Eventually they became resented and racial hatred appeared, some of it sounding like the US variety. The good inspector regrets this but can’t help it. His job takes him wherever there is a certain kind of criminal trouble, and acting like a bigoted, foul mouthed jerk is not a criminal act–it really can’t be without violence involved although sometimes–well, never mind US politics for now.

    The trigger for the greater part of the book is the murder of a Somali movie star who had been working there. She was Sufia Elmi and she was stunningly beautiful. She was also somewhat wanton in her private life and her choices. Apparently someone hated her enough to kill her.

    When Vaari goes to the scene of the crime we get the first taste of how much violent depiction there may be. Some of it is necessary for depicting the true violence and brutality of the perpetrator and few details are spared. So the Inspector starts out in a tough situation, worried about his now pregnant wife, oppressed like so many others by the darkness, and now having to deal with the darkness of this terrible case and the darkness inside him and perhaps most of his fellow Finns.

    The trail is not an easy one. The plot is, in a way, very complicated. It includes Vaari’s subordinates and their issues, the National Police Commissioner who is on his back much of the time, and a variety of people who may have had both opportunity and means. Sorting them out is difficult, and as in many good mystery novels the suspicion tends to shift from time to time and for good reason. New information makes for new suspicions.

    The suspects range from the Inspector’s ex-wife and her husband to several townspeople who for one reason or another are plausible perpetrators. So, the inspector must put all this together while dealing with the darkness in and around him and not allowing it to eclipse himself and his job.

    While the plot is indeed complex (I won’t try to describe it further here and now) it is not really all that hard to follow. That is largely due to Thompson’s immense talents as a writer, and I think there are two parts to this. He understood storytelling, how to make scenes flow one into the other without goofing around with the narrative, so it all seems to make sense. (Attn US film directors).

    Then there is the already mentioned writing style. However complicated the situation may be Thompson’s writing is always clear and direct. The words spill off the page like a course on how to read(or write like) Hemingway or Raymond Chandler. So once you’re in for the ride, I’d say your are stuck;. You’re going to want to finish this one and if you’re like me when you have stop for something you’ll want to get back to the book as soon as you can do so. At least that was my take. I’ll leave you to your own take, but if you like mysteries, particularly the hard-boiled, hard writing type that might have delighted James M Cain, then give this one a try. I think you’ll like it.

  • Confronting Trump–Greenland and Minnesota

    I have often spoken about how much I admire the British weekly publication, “The Economist.” Well, I’m going to do it again. The current one arrived in Monday’s mail and it has on the cover a picture of a shirtless Donald Trump riding a polar bear. In its top-of-the-page list of this issue’s features, the first is “The meaning of Minneapolis.” As a follower of American and European politics and a one-time Minnesotan, who was there just over a month ago, I had to read this one.

    Actually to get a full idea of this you also need to read the longer and deeper articles, “Get On With Phase II” and “Ice and Heat,” but start with the lead(and relatively short)”America’s Endangered Alliances” which will give you the basic idea. They begin with the threats (military included)on Greenland, then Trump’s apparent backing off. They point out that a serious lesson to be drawn from this is that Trump will yield to pressure, but will not reverse or abandon his goals. He will put things off and think about different ways of accomplishing them. He will certainly not give up right away, maybe not at all.

    European leaders greeted his Greenland ambitions, particularly the reckless and foolish threat to use military force, with negative attitudes ranging from fairly soft spoken dissent to defiance. Several nations arranged to send at least token military forces to Greenland. This was enough, The Economist concludes. In order to “get America’s president to retreat, you have to convince him that you will impose a price on him,” in this case serious trade restrictions. It worked.

    The “The Economist” also says that this is about the end of the good news from the Davos conference. He clearly still intends to have some kind of ownership or at least recognized domination of Greenland and he showed “an ominous contempt for Europe and for the value of America to the transatlantic alliance as it works today.”

    They go on with some pessimistic ideas about the future of US-European relations which I will not go into, at least not right now. Further into the publication we get a short article “ICE in a cold climate,” a title I don’t think I need to explain. They take a skeptical, in fact fairly critical view of the Trump Administration and MN. But their article went to press before the latest, which we began to hear about yesterday and is quite apparent today. And it relates to the article on Trump and the Europeans.

    Yesterday Trump had phone conversations with both MN Gov Walz and Minneapolis Mayor Frey. Each of these conversations seems to have been cordial enough and maybe successful in offering an “off ramp” to get leaders out of a mess and a several Hundred Thousand people(Minneapolis-St Paul is the 15th–I think— largest urban area in the US)back into fairly normal lives.

    This came after several things happened which seem to have calmed Trump’s hostility(or expression if it , anyway) toward MN and especially Minneapolis and made him tread more softly. As with Greenland things seemed on the point of serious conflict, when suddenly the President turned more reasonable(or maybe “more reasonable sounding” would be more accurate). And this harks back to the statement “The Economist” made about Trump and Greenland. Trump will back down if presented with enough pressure and resistance and with a real possibility he will feel consequences if he doesn’t.

    This is what sees to have happened. The obstreperous and supremely irritating Gregory Bovino, head of the Border Patrol contingent in Minneapolis has been pulled off the case and re-assigned. Trump is being friendly with but still keeping his distance from Kristi Noem and some of the other more ardent proponets of going after protesters in a serious, perhaps repressive, way.

    Trump was faced with a rising nationwide shout of resistance from people, many of them Trump voters, who were disgusted by the whole ICE thing and particularly the violence in MN And for the first time in his Presidency, including both the first one and this one, there were serious and possibly irreparable cracks appearing in the Republican Party and the Trump coalition. Several Republican members of Congress, including a number of Senators were speaking critically of the Administration. The leading candidate for the MN Republican gubernatorial nomination, Chris Mandel, dropped out with a news conference during which he said he could no longer support the Administration’s policies in dealing with MN. He did not overtly threaten to leave the party, but he left no doubt of his current lack of affection for it.

    So, the waters of dissent were rising, allies were deserting, the people, in MN and the rest of the USA were losing patience with the ICE violence and overall everything looked as if it were heading for a Trumpian disaster. And what happened? Trump backed down, just as he did with Greenland. In neither case did he back all the way. We have already seen that the Greenland “deal”(if there is one)is tentatative and not clearly understood. With MN it seems so far to be more a lowering of voices and an agreement to engage in more or less non-hostile conversations, at least for awhile.

    But it is impossible to miss the similarity in the two situations. They may turn out wildly different from each other,. There may be a different configuration of winners and losers(though everyone is a winner if they avoid invading Greenland–as I think they will–and stop the hysterical mistreatment of people on the streets of Minneapolis. I may be willing to praise Trump slightly–if all of this works.

  • Two different movies, similar reaction

    Well, I hope my title isn’t too misleading–it is the truth but as is usually the case with titles, not the whole truth. I’ll not be able to tell you the whole truth, of course, but I’ll take a swing at getting close to it.

    About a week or so ago TCM had one of its 1930’s movie days. Being, sort of, a fan of movies of that era I noted what was on. At a quick glance, I concluded that they were going with the early ’30s and when I saw an unfamiliar but interesting looking title, “The Spellbinder,” I decided to give it a try. I assumed it was from 1932 or thereabouts. Directed By Jack Hively and written by Thomas Lennon and Joseph Fields, none of who I’d ever heard of as far as I remember, I assumed it would be a typical rushed, badly edited and not too coherent story without much meaning(Yes, I recognize certain flaws to a lot of early ’30’s movies even if I’m fascinated by them).

    At the beginning I felt pretty confident of my expectations and thought I might not even watch all of it. The star, Lee Tracy(he made a lot of moves but was not a box office match for Gable and Bogart) played a lawyer named Jed Marlowe(no connection to Phillip Marlowe intended, I would guess)who seemed a typical early 30’s movie bad guy. He pulled fast ones in court, lied as necessary and took bribes from not-very-nice people. OK, I thought, big deal.

    But about 15 minutes into it a I got a pleasant surprise. This apparent bummer of an old ,movie, though smoother and ,more professionally done than I had expected, was about as I had anticipated otherwise at the beginning. Then the surprise–Atty Marlowe had a daughter, about 20, whom he loved, and he had a better side than that which we’d seen so far.

    He gets involved in a complicated case involving a potential murderer who hires Marlowe and then tells him about a murder for profit he’s going to commit, assuming that the lawyer-client privilege will mean Marlow can’t tell the police. I personally doubt that this is a serious interpretation of that privilege, but it serves here as the launching pad for a good story.

    It so happens that the potential murderer is handsome, suave and charming and he and the daughter, predictably, fall in love. They plan marriage. Now he’s going to be Marlowe’s son-in-law. One more complication.

    How this works out It won’t tell you–it might be on TCM or something else again. But what does happen is that Marlow goes from being an apparently immoral or amoral(I get the two confused)person to a caring father and a decent and ethical lawyer. He struggles to find a moral and legal way out of this mess and puts himself through self questioning which reminded me a bit of “Manhattan Melodrama”(admittedly a definitely better picture!) and wins over the viewer’s sympathy as he struggles.

    How and to what extent he gets out of this, I will leave to you to discover should you get a chance to view it. I hope you will and will take advantage of it.

    Oh, yes-one other thing which explains at least partly why this movie exceeded my expectations so much. I had assumed early 30’s release for no very good reason. I was wrong. It was a 1939 movie–Americans had learned to do good things with editing and story-telling by then.

    Now you may be wondering what is the comparison I’m going to draw between these two movies. Well, its not anything very exciting, but here it is–for different reasons I disliked both at first and turned into a fan as the movie went along. In the second case I learned that I was not as hide-bound in my opinions as I thought I might be.


    “Is This Thing On?’ is directed by Bradley Cooper, and stars Will Arnett as Alex and Laura Dern as his wife, Tess. They have been married for 20 years and have two kids and based on some observations seem to have a pretty good life, maybe easier and more interesting than most., But they are bumping up against the restraints and reminders of early middle age and they both want more.

    The film is short on explaining two things. I never got a clear idea of what he(or they) did to earn money most of the time and I never felt their issues with each other were clearly explained. But you know what? I’ve decided that only half of that is important. What they did for a living before is not of any great interest or import. What their issues with each other are is an important matter. BUT–we can never know exactly what other peoples’, particularly other couples’ lives are like and always have to guess at some things. So in a way, Cooper got this part right.

    He got a lot of other things right too, though he came close to loosing me at first. As with “The Spellbinder” it took me maybe a quarter hour or a little bit more, to get into it. I think the issue is this, and pardon me since I know I’ve talked about this before–well, I’m going to do it again, but briefly.

    There has been a serious change in movie making from early films to contemporary films. There are many aspects to this but I wish to dwell on only one now–story telling. Earlier films tended to be more straightforward in their telling—you got a hint at least of who and where the characters are, what’s going on in their lives and a sense of passage of time and events. In other words there was MORE STRUCTURE and the films were easier to follow.

    They tended to show transitions from one scene to another and give you a sense of how much this meant one time to another. Also, the geographic locations were more clear, though I don’t regard that as usually a big one. This began to change a long time ago and dates back at least to the French New Wave, the Italian films of the Fellini era and the bleak Scandinavian films of Ingmar Bergman. Now things didn’t always make so much sense. Now you had to think a little more about the plot and concentrate a bit more on character and motivation. There is NOTHING wrong with this and I applauded it for awhile. It added a fascination and sometimes a sort of mystery to films that they had lacked before.

    But the old “movie movie” of the first generation of American film-making began to fade. It has never gone away entirely and likely won’t, but it has been relegated, justifiably or not, to the ash heap of aesthetic history. In more recent years, this has proceeded apace until we have reached a point where it is almost unusual for a leading American film to have a straightforward story. Now this is OK with me(though I think there’s room for both styles) or would be if all of the “modern” films were as good as “This Thing.” Unfortunately they’re not and I think this is largely due to another change or maybe it would be more accurate to say an addition to the radicalness of the change in recent years. And by “recent” I mean exactly that, this stuff has happened in less than a decade.

    In a way it’s not a big deal, but American(and some other)directors have expanded and pushed the earlier change to new extremes, particularly the not defining things part. This may of course, be partly due to my aging and getting more conservative in my tastes, but I think this is hardly the whole story and that you would find a lot of agreement from younger fans if you asked. There has been a tendency not only to leave out the transition scenes but to jump ever more quickly from one scene to another without explanation or , for many of us, understanding of what’s going on.

    I noticed this early in “This Thing” and it bothered me. But I was patient and paid attention to each scene in detail and it paid off. While I still more or less am for the old kind of story telling, this one can work if it is clear what’s happening NOW in the movie and if, as in the case of this film, the characters are so well drawn and well played as to engage you. These are and it worked.

    Alex apparently had a background in comedy. Anyway, as part of his personal/marital crisis he starts such an act, bluffing his way into a club he can’t afford by passing himself off as a performer and then becoming one in the next few minutes. This leads to lifestyle changes, including a lot of loud parties(see below). The people at them were not necessarily charming in my opinion. But it did occur to me that they were just possibly representative of what is going on in our society today. This would be particularly the part of it that connects to the East Coast arts scene, but some of that would be based on or have incorporated other aspects of US society, and so be to some extent representative.

    So it is what it is, and I did not worry about it. I concentrated on the people, particularly the troubled married couple. This meant that I got to watch them flip and flop on issues and personal feelings. I also got to see them almost break up, get disappointed again, rally again, etc. And this sort of thing goes on more or less to the end of the movie.

    Director Cooper tells this story with verve and a kind of closely focused attention that brings these people into your existence and makes you feel they are part of yours. You get to like them so much that you root for them to work things out and get their lives back on track, as Alex rises in the stand-up comedy world but sometimes flounders in the real(?)one.

    Early on there was a lot of scene-shifting and parties going on and the parties were nearly always loud and disorganized(nothing like a party from a Kauffman & Hart story). A lot of the people were unidentified and many were not people I would care to party with. But I was also able to assimilate that and do much the same as I suggested above. It’s part of reality today, it’s the world these two people live in. So accept it as real and get on with liking them and wishing them well. They both manage to survive in this world and maybe so can we.

    Anyway, congratulations to Cooper, Arnett, and Dern for giving us one of the funnier and more moving films of the year, perhaps the first one so far to combine those elements so successfully. Perhaps they’ll start a trend(but don’t bet the ranch on it).

  • LBJ, DT, Vietnam and some history

    Don’t worry, this won’t be real long. I’m too hyped on everything that’s going on now to stay patiently at the computer for too long. But I have to get some of these opinions down in print and out there to be read. The situation seems to change almost hourly, but as nearly I I’m able to tell, the latest is more or less this–

    –Maduro has been charged with a variety of crimes(he’s probably guilty of most of these offenses, actually) involving drugs and firearms–this took place in a federal court in NYC(Hello, Mayor Mamdami, just what you’d expected, right?)

    The US has threatened, mostly with the President doing the talking, that the US will “run” Venezuela. How this running is supposed to happen is not at all clear, but he seems to have in mind doing more or less whatever it takes and is “not afraid” of boots on the ground

    –Trump has also warned Columbians the US might have its sights on aspects of their sovereignty and likewise Cuba and Greenland!!(Now how did Greenland get involved?–Oh, yes, Trump started threatening them several months ago)

    _Without a high degree of specificity, Trump has indicated the US military forces are likely to play somewhat of a role here, though he isn’t too certain(take him at his word on this–he likely is not just uncertain, but may be without a clue of what to do)

    Trump’s ideas of transitioning to a new Venezeula government are confusing and likely confused and have certainly not been thought out well–is this to be an invasion and occupation or what? “nation building” maybe?who knows?

    The reaction of other Venezuelans outside of their country, particularly those in the US, has been enthusiasm–no doubt Maduro was a bad and lawless ruler and they are understandably glad their country is rid of him–Most Latin American countries are understandably perturbed and angry and fearful about what the US(Trump, really)will do next–This is somewhat hypocritical in some cases but understandable given the long US history of “gunboat diplomacy” and other mistreatment of our southern neighbors. Argentina is the big exception–they also are glad Maduro is gone

    –Our European allies were, perhaps strangely, subdued about this for a day or two–My guess is they didn’t like the action but also didn’t want to be in direct opposition to our policy-but in the last day or two they have showed signs of becoming impatient with Trumpantics, and seem to be slipping toward an oppositional position

    –Our worst adversaries–(Russia, China, North Korea and Iran, mostly)have been handed a terrific issue here and are going to take advantage of it.–They are condemnatory of the US action without limit or qualification–This is extremely hypocritical of Putin given the past nearly four years in Ukraine, but this won’t stop him–We have given our enemies an excellent issue, a club with which they can whack us for the global public

    But what is the basis of of this and what is the truth about the Constitution, the power of the President in military matters, and efforts by the US Congress to put some limits on presidential power here? For that we need a little bit of history

    I think you all know whatever you need to about how we drifted into getting to be supporters of South Vietnam before the war had really began there. After the assassination of President Diem(South Vietnam)and of JFK, both in November, 1963, things got even tougher than they had been and our involvement became more obvious

    In early August, 1964, the North Vietnamese Navy made an attack on US Navy ships off their coast. What the rights and wrongs are here I won’t bother with, let’s just note the fighting took place. A day or two later(Aug 4) the US Navy reported 2 more attacks on US ships by the North Vietnamese. President Johnson ordered the Navy to go back and hit the North Vietnamese. It later turned out that the first two reported attacks actually happened more or less as reported, but the second pair almost certainly did not. There may have been bad communications or an intent to distort the truth or both.

    Whatever, I think it is undoubtedly true that LBJ believed(correctly)the first attacks took place and he may well have believed or assumed that the second ones were real too AT THE TIME he gave the order. If so, he seems to have learned the truth later.

    NOW–we all know that the US Constitution says only the Congress has the power to declare war. But we haven’t had a declared war since 1945 so we can more or less ignore that for now. It also asserts civilian control of the military and gives the President leadership power in being commander-in-chief.

    I don’t think it was ever(usually, anyway)assumed that a president had to get congressional approval on any and every military action he ordered, but it was clear he was not to make serious long term commitments on his own. For a long time few serious situations occurred which tested this issue This began to get to be more difficult with Korea and Harry Truman who sent troops there to fight and called it a “police action.” Truman was, in my opinion, likely right in resisting North Korea and in refusing to use the word “war”, in both cases for diplomatic/strategic reasons. But it left confusion to develop for the future.

    This is more or less where things stood when the Vietnam mess fell into LBJ’s lap as he succeeded JFK. The fighting in the Gulf of Tonkin(off North Vietnam)was his first big test. LBJ addressed the nation on TV the night of Aug 4 explaining what had happened in the Gulf of Tonkin and what his response was. He also asked for a vote from Congress supporting what he did.

    Congress acted swiftly and on Aug 7 they passed the now rather infamous Gulf of Tonkin Resolution. which authorized the President to use “all necessary measures” to defend freedom and US forces in Southeast Asia. The only dissenters were two Democratic Senators, Wayne Morse of Oregon and Ernest Gruening of AL.

    Now it appears on the surface that gave the President the right to do about whatever he wanted to in Viet Nam, but many members of Congress, particularly liberal Senate Democrats, came to regret their action, some sooner than others. It should be noted, of course, that in every action of this type some people are going to make assumptions about it and the assumptions may differ. LBJ used it as an overall blanket “OK” for introducing hundreds of thousands of US troops to Vietnam and on paper is looks as if he had Congressional backing. But it is doubtful if every member of both Houses meant he was voting for anything the President did relating to Vietnam.

    Though no one should be too confident of stating exactly when the Viet Nam War began for the US, it was obviously after this. I’d put the date in the Spring-Summer of 1964 when the first large allocations of troops took place. And almost immediately there began a debate that lasted for the rest of the war and in some ways has lasted up until today.

    This is at least marginally relevant to Trump and his foreign policy, because he has gone way beyond anything any former President did in this type of matter. The attack on Venezuela was without formal Congressional approval. The House Armed Services Committee apparently didn’t even know about it ahead of time. But my point is that Trump appears to have gone, or at least be leaning toward going, way beyond LBJ and the Tonkin issue. He is threatening Venezuela’s neighbor, Columbia. He has spoken with hostility about Mexico without very specific threats. He speaks of fixing things in Venezuela with no very clear explanation of how this would happen or what it would take. Perhaps most outrageous of all, he has threatened Greenland.

    This latter threat, which he mentioned as a possibility early in his second term(see my article from about a year ago on this)is the most ludicrous and over-the-top of all. It has nothing to do with Latin America, it just got tossed into the pot with Trumps plans in an opportunistic way. Since Denmark is officially the owner of Greenland, (though the latter has been granted very widespread self-government)an attempt to absorb it into the US would be an attack upon Denmark in a serious way and therefore an attack upon a fellow NATO ally.

    I find it hard to belive I am typing this or even now that Trump and his people would actually try a takeover of Greenland without the consent of both the Greenland power structure and the overseeing(and financially supportive) Danes. But one never knows. With people like Miller and Hegseth you have to be careful. Sometimes they have the courage of their foolish convictions and their borderline psychotic views of the world. Trump is part of this and while he may or may not be as removed from reality as some of his cronies, he shows little inclination to slap them down or shut them up when they say something as loony as this would be. But Miller clearly said on TV last night that Greenland should be part of the USA. Such thinking, which sounds like something from an SNL satire, now is taken semi-seriously by some in Washington. As for me, I don’t believe it will happen but …

    Well, I’ve said perhaps more than enough. But I wish — at the risk of being too obvious perhaps– to say this. Look back at the Tonkin Resolution. Read the above which I have written again or better yet review Tonkin on Wikipedia. Look what happened with LBJ who was clearly saner, a better politician and a far better man than Trump. If Congress had tried to put some restraints on him in 1964 the US might not have divided its self as viciously as it did over the next decade or so. Far more importantly, thousands of Americans, Vietnamese and others who died in the war would have survived.

    So my plea to the US Congress is this–be careful with this guy. Do NOT encourage him to try to make the US an indirect ruler of several Latin American countries. Most certainly do not let him mess with NATO. The Danish Prime Minister just said that an attempt to inappropriately to influence Denmark’s and Greenland’s freedom would mean “the end of NATO.” It may be that Trump wouldn’t care. He has never liked our European connections much and obviously is no big NATO supporter. So maybe this insanity about Greenland is OK with him. It is not OK with our NATO allies and should not be with the US Congress. So my plea to both Houses is simply DO NOT let anything like this happen. Don’t pull a “Tonkin” and leave any doubt that the President has responsibilities to fulfill before committing troops or taking precipitous action of any kind in foreign affairs. The US, the West, and all who love independence and individual freedom deserve to be protected, not ignored.

  • 1929-A Christmas of Hope and Doubt

    No one, I suspect, will ever explain totally satisfactorily the Great Crash of 1929. It occurred , more or less, in late October(bad month for the market) and wiped out trillions(maybe billions?) of dollars of invested wealth. Many books have been written on this from John Kenneth Galbraith’s “The Great Crash” about 2 generations ago, to Andrew Ross Sorkin’s “1929 -Inside the Greatest Crash in Wall Street History and How It Shattered a Nation.”(recently published and as of this date not read by me).

    However, brilliant these books may be, I would think many still remember something else along with them– what they learned in history class and what their grandparents and now maybe great-grandparents said. And they will worry about their investments. If you want a short answer that has a lot of (but by no means the whole)truth in it, go with “Overproduction and underconsumption.” Nearly every economic slump involves at least some of this as a cause or a result or both. And there’s no doubt the US economy was overdoing itself by 1928 and there were signs that some saw and most didn’t that trouble lay ahead, at least for investors, maybe for the whole country.

    In any event what happened happened, and Herbert Hoover, a relatively new President and supposedly an economic leader of great merit was stuck with the job of cleaning things up. He tried, but he was thwarted by a number of issues, not the least of which were his own mind set which forbade serious central government intervention in the economy, and shortsightedness and selfishness of many leaders around the world. This led to the London Economic conference, the Smoot– Hawley. Tariff and other disasters.

    But while nearly everyone was concerned and some very pessimistic, it was not immediately clear what was going to happen. The roaring twenties seemed to be ending with a bang of despair. but who knew? The US economy had slowed some and unemployment was rising by the end of the year, but nothing was certain yet. Several negative things were clear–

    –thousands of investors were ruined, particularly those who had bought a lot of stocks “on margin”(mostly on money borrowed from brokers) This alone had destroyed billions of dollars of wealth in a day or two–

    -predictably, consumer spending plummeted-people reduced purchases of things and companies reduced their orders, particularly on big ticket items, From October to December Industrial production had already fallen about 9%.

    –layoffs began so unemployment rose quickly along with the industrial production decline–from October to December it rose from 5% to 9%, a very steep increase This alone should have been a clue that something very bad for the economy might be coming. (I wonder how many noticed the irony of the 9% industrial decline coupled with the 9% unemployment rate.)

    Still, nothing was clear yet. Often financial reversals came and went in a few months(though some older people must have remembered the depression of the ’90’s and shuddered). Hoover had a strong belief that American business was basically sound and would right itself. Many agreed with him.

    And most people were still working, so with a bit of Christmas cheer of whatever variety and a burst of American optimism, it was possible to celebrate and hope for the future. So Christmas of 1929 was celebrated with maybe some caution, but not without cheerfulness and hope. Meantime things went on as usual–or seemed to. And, of course, there were bad things too.

    The biggest story that year on Christmas Day was the Lawson Family Murders in North Carolina. On the day itself a tobacco farmer murdered his wife and six of their seven children, then took his own life in “the nearby woods.” Only his eldest son escaped, having had the good fortune to have been sent on an errand that morning. No one has ever explained why this tragedy occurred. Speculations have ranged from dark family secrets to a head injury to the perpetrator but it has never been actually explained.

    Since radio and therefore near instant relay of sensational news was now possible, the story spread quickly and no doubt cast a shadow over the lives of many Americans. The nation was shocked, but likely most went on with their plans for the day as well as they could. After all, what else could they have done? But the story is not forgotten in North Carolina, and one wonders if some didn’t see it as the beginning of a run of bad times for the whole society. If so, they were right.

    The other big story of the day was that a fire broke out in the West Wing of the White House. There were no serious injuries, but it too might have been seen by some as portent of things to come, at least for the relatively new President. Acting with an alacrity and a responsiveness that was not necessarily going to last, the Congress quickly appropriated funds for repairs and the reconstruction of the West Wing was finished by April 1930, while the economy continued to sputter and point downward.

    The Christmas weather appears to have been fairly normal for most of the country. The big exception was Texas which was hit by a snowstorm worthy of areas miles to the north. Record breaking snowfalls of over two feet were reported by the cities of Clifton and Hillsboro with falling temperatures.

    One touching attempt at the Christmas spirit and international and racial relations should be mentioned here. The city of Nogales. AZ had decided the have a large Christmas party for its area of extreme southern AZ and invited a number of other small towns to join them. They particularly wanted the children to come. Then, it occurred to people on both sides of the border that Nogales, Mexico, very nearby, and its children would be left out by being literally on the wrong side of the US-Mexican border.

    The city leaders of each place “passed legislation” changing the border for one day which presumably meant the Mexican Nogales was, for that day, part of AZ. As far as I am able to tell from this on-line tidbit it worked and no one got prosecuted. It sounds to me of very doubtful legality, but very warm faith and friendship. There were hard times coming and maybe people in both cities named Nogales remembered this Christmas fondly as the Depression set in and depression spread among the people.

    What the Hoovers did themselves has been recounted in some detail in by Bethany Nagle in “A Very Hoover Holiday,” a sprightly article on line. She assures us that the Hoovers took care to buy presents for their grandchildren, Ann and Peter, who lived in California and would not be joining them for the big day. Herbert and Lou, however, wanted to do right by them and she shopped at :”five and dimes” around Washington to get them gifts.

    The tradition of the President’s lighting of the National Christmas tree was still fairly new, having started with Calvin Coolidge in 1923. For the first time the tree had both ornaments and lights, perhaps a portent of the increasing role of technology in the world.

    What I find interesting about this is that the whole thing proceeded, for the most part, as usual. This perhaps was just as well. The economy was not on any clear path yet and it would have been unwise to reduce activities so much as to cause people to assume the government knew things were worse and that the worse would come to them too.

    According to Ms Nagle, the three subsequent Hoover Christmas-in-the-White House times would show a bit more awareness of what was going on out there, and the last one, 1932, was rife with gloom The defeated President and his wife went on a fishing vacation to the south, partly, I suspect, because they wanted to and partly just to get out of town and away from FDR’s people planning what they would do when their time in power came. Meanwhile, it appears to be a fact that the first Hoover White House Christmas went fairly normally., He likely was hoping that the rest of the would do the same. It was his personal and a national tragedy that it turned out to be a forlorn hope,

  • Dems Disssenting–From Each Other

    I think you may know that I admire greatly the TV work of Fareed Zakaria who is on CNN just about every Sunday morning and some other times. I don’t agree with him all the time, but I’d say I agree 90% or more. This past Sunday morning was different. I disagreed strongly with his opening. Later it got a bit better and he said some valuable things. I still admire him and hope to see him many more times. I wish to discuss both the agreement and the dissent.

    He began by saying that the recent deal by Democrats was a disaster for the party. The Dems, he said, came off as weak and incapable of much of anything. He saw no advantage in the shut-down ending vote in the Senate where 8 members of the Democratic caucus(7 Dem Senators and Sen Angus King, a ME Independent who caucuses with the Dems)voted with the GOP to open things up and temporarily get the government running again. I agreed. This means thousands of federal employees return to work, recipients of SNAP being able to get food for themselves and their families, and overall things at least beginning to return to normal, whatever that may be today. This return, I comprehend, could be a temporary one.

    Fareed and others(Sen Murray of CT a few minutes earlier on CNN, for example)saw nothing in this action but surrender, a political disaster for Dems. They also saw no meaningful help for the country. I dissent on both issues

    First of all, I think it was right for the country.. We were looking at more and ,more reduction in travel as the holidays approach, a disruption of our economy because of the chaos and lack of travel that would result, and, most immediately terrible, the loss of food benefits for millions of Americans, many of them children, because of the disruptions of SNAP benefits(food stamps). Now I agree that one cannot afford to make such compromises indefinitely. In fact, I think that this is the only one of this kind the Dems should make. But look at what they were facing. The Republicans were getting ready to lay all blame on the Dems for the above potential troubles, and while I think they would have had a hard time making all of it stick they might have come close.

    In return for an extension of the current funding for about a month and a half. the Dems get a restoration of SNAP benefits and a restoration of travel for the holidays. After that the whole issue will rise again, to be sure. And it will be difficult again. But is it not reasonable, at least this time, to note that when a person’s children are hungry they are likely to say and/or think “We need the food now-I don’t care now about when this thing runs out. My kinds are very hungry today.” I don’t think this is an unreasonable point or a bad idea. Of course you will not want to do it over and over again, but this time, particularly at this time of year, I think it’s reasonable.

    I also think it may be right for the party too. This is a lesser issue, but not one without importance and it is reasonable to talk about it. I think that if the rebel Dems had not done as they did, as I noted above, they would have risked some effective demagoging from the GOP. Now, I think The Republicans could find themelves in a difficult political position.

    When the continuing resolution money is about to run out and all this has to be redone, there is supposed to be a vote on extending the Democratic created government assistance in paying Obamacare premiums. The GOP promised it. They did not say how they would vote, but they are on record as agreeing to have such a vote.

    Should the Dems get enough Republican support to keep the subsides going, well, good. This profits the whole country, particularly the poorer portion of it. It also gives the Dems a victory. Of course, it is possible that nearly all Republicans will combine to break their promise or will oppose these subsides successfully and will prevent their being extended–. If so, I think, the Republicans will be 1) displaying their meaner side to the American voter–good! and 2) thereby handing the Dems a club with which to beat them during the next months–I think this could prove to be a valuable weapon indeed. I hope they don’t need it, but if they do, they should have it and use it.

    No, there is no guarantee that any of this will happen as I have hypothesized. But it seems enough to go on for now, particularly with the sttae the country has been in and appeared to be heading for. It is worth a try.

    I will try to say more soon about Fareed’s more reasonable criticisms of the Democrats. I also want to mention his remarkable two-part exchange will Bill Maher, which a lot of you may have seen on two different television shows.

  • Hey, What Does That Mean?

    As a former instructor in history and political science I have a few comments to make about the meanings of words and how people are likely to interpret them. This includes a real concern about how just about all aspects of the media use some words without any explanation of what the words mean. They assume people will understand them and in some very broad way they’re probably right. But there are nuances and differences, seldom allowed for and frequently important in understanding the message, and that is what I wish to address.

    The two words that concern me most are “socialism” and “populism”(or its derivative “populist”) The latter of these has concerned me for some time. Recently I have gotten exercised about the former which has been brought to the fore by the New York mayoral campaign.

    “Socialism” is a word nearly all at least half-informed(about politics and economics)people think they understand. I doubt if many of them understand it fully. The matter is confused further and distorted by the use by some of “communism” and “socialism” as if they were synonyms which is incorrect in most cases. Here’s the history and a short analysis of the whole thing.

    This dates back to Karl Marx and “The Communist Manifesto” which he published in 1848, along with his friend and writing partner, Frederick Engels. Marx did an analysis of European industrial societies in the early part of the Industrial Revolution and presented some conclusions about it that a large number of scholars have found to be mainly true.

    But he also made a number of predictions and invented the term “dialectical materialism” to express how he thought the world worked and how history would work out. Unlike his analysis of the working class poverty he found in European countries, his predictions turned out to be almost entirely wrong. By playing fast and loose with meanings of words and phrases you can(and some have)make it sound as if some of his predictions came true in some way. I would say this was almost wholly false–well, almost.

    Marx believed that the “proletariat”(urban working class) would eventually revolt against the “bourgeois” (middle class, though really the richer part of it)who owned the factories where the proletariat worked. He believed this revolution would lead to an end to capitalism and the establishment of “socialism” which at least mainly can regarded as the ownership of the “means of production” by the “people” or by the state in the name of the people. Eventually there would be a “withering away” of the state which would no longer be necessary and all would lead happy, fulfilling lives and the economy would run smoothly because everyone would agree and not strive against each other. Hence, “communism.”

    The above is a somewhat over simplified version of Marx and I believe a little bit of my basic cynicism about his ideas has sneaked in there in a subtly snarky sort of way. But if you go with the above I think you’ll be largely right. But there’s more, namely the history of Marxism and the use of the words in question.

    This is getting to be a big question because of Zohrin Mamdani’s victory in the NYC mayoral election.(What I think about what happened Tuesday night I guess I’ll leave for later–mostly, anyway). But a large number of people have referred to themselves as socialists and continue to do so –people of often extremely differing ideas. Marx, we have seen, viewed socialism as one of the stages of history which would precede and lead to communism. He may have used the two terms synonymously sometimes, but he did seem to draw this distinction.

    Marx and Engels had a nearly immediate effect on much of industrial Europe, particularly the industrial workers. Most of them couldn’t read, but ideas spread in strange ways and sometimes to people you wouldn’t think could even understand them. Bur often they do understand.

    Because the early Industrial Revolution era brought crowded cites, low wages, filthy living conditions, poverty, and uncertainty of employment there were plenty of willing listeners. Of course, we know now that this was a phase of a process that would eventually clean up industrial societies, raise the standard of living and finally bring us to the 20th century and to wherever we are today. But this was not known at time, and when your children are going hungry you’re not too inclined to think this is great because it will lead to something better 2 or 3 generations down the line. So Marx found his listeners.

    But ideas, feelings and attitudes about the economy(and a lot of other things)vary from one area, one society to another. Therefore different people put different interpretations on Marx. There were likely several divisions among those who, over the last half of the 19th century followed Marx, but mainly there were two. One, which might be called the traditional or orthodox Marxists took the view that Marx was completely right and that everything would work out as he predicted. Therefore they advocated strict adherence to his beliefs and allowed for no elaboration on or questioning of Marxism. The opportunities for fanaticism and oppression are obvious here.

    The main opposition to these people came from a group(or a coalition of groups) known to history as the Revisionists. That is to say, they basically agreed with Marx about the unfairness of industrial society and they too looked forward to changes that would ease the burdens of the workers. But they mostly denied that violent revolution would be necessary and many of them accepted the rules of democracy(which Marx and Engels did not), i.e. that all (men, anyway)should vote and that their votes should determine what kind of government they would have. They also usually accepted that what had been done by one government could be undone by another. This is, I think, a clearly saner and more humane version of the teachings of Marx and one that takes into account the realities of economics and, more broadly, of human life. These people accepted Marx’s basic analysis and perhaps some of his predictions, but did not insist that this should involve the use of force, physical or otherwise.

    As democracy developed in 19th century Europe, there appeared in many countries a political party who named themselves the Social Democrats. These were largely representatives of the Revisionists. By and large thy accepted democratic ways for political action and they granted the right of other parties to exist and to contest, peacefully, with them for power. There are a few cases where they were more dogmatic, but mostly the Social Democrats followed this pattern. Incidentally, I do remember once running across an account of Karl Marx, years after his significant writing was published, attending a rally of his followers and being repelled by the fanaticism and perhaps lust for violence he heard from some of them. “I am not a Marxist<” he said in response.

    NYC mayor-elect Zohran Mamdani says he is a “Democratic Socialist.” I would say that this puts him in the line of history that runs back to the Social Democrats and the revisionist Marxists of a century and a half or so ago. It is not a take on society that I necessarily agree with in many things, but it has usually been reasonable and its followers willing to negotiate with their opponents. I see no reason at to assume Mamdani will not follow this pattern.

    This is being handled with some care by the media, not as bad as I thought it might be, but short of perfection. First of all President Trump and some other Republicans have referred to Mamdani as a “communmist.” This is simply BS and I may try to demonstrated that in a later article. Reporters do not always emphasize that socialism has sometimes meant dictatorship and sometimes democracy and freedom. This leaves it open for people who admire socialism but don’t really understand it, and people who ignorantly think of socialism as some kind of communist evil to make all kinds of mistakes, some of the intentional, some of them real.

    I hope that everyone, including the media will take all this calmly. I further hope that it will work out as a basically good thing for NYC which needs a break, or maybe several breaks. I wish the city, and its mayor-elect well, and I hope all will come to grasp something about his beliefs and philosophies.

    My quarrel with the media about the term Populism” or “Populist.” is just as important in its way, I think. It has serious implications for both parties(for they are both affected) and for the future of the nation and perhaps the world. As a one-time history teacher I am familiar with the American Populist Party which appeared and quickly gained power in and after 1890. It made its voice heard in the next two Presidential elections, though it never really dominated one. It was centered mostly in the South and the West, and to a lesser extent in the Midwest. It had little support in big cities except from labor unions which were then rising in power but not nearly as influential as they would become later.

    The populists appealed mainly to the poor, particularly the poor farmer or other rural person. There was a cultural aspect to this, of course(the Eastern Republicans who were then the most conservative part of the party rather than the most progressive as they are today–as far as it’s permitted in the Trump Party)referred to them as the “hayseed socialists.” But the main issues were not cultural but economic. They knew the bankers and money lenders in the East, mostly the Northeast, were doing well in the “Gilded Age,” They wanted a piece of the pie for themselves and other poor people. So this was mainly a rich-poor issue although it had some East-West aspects to it and a little bit of the cultural issues. But it was mainly about money.

    The Populists wanted more intervention. They want more silver used in US money(which would cause inflation but spread the money around more)and they wanted intervention by the federal government to protect them from big interests such as the banks and the railroads. They wanted the government to take their side in these issues and to bring about a more equitable distribution of wealth within the US.

    Looking at it from today’s viewpopint, they don’t sound all that radical. Yes, they would have fallen on the left side in American politics then and(if they were still here)now. But many of their ideas, in a somewhat modified form worked their way into both of our leading parties and while the party was functionally gone by about 1900 many of it’s ideas would be found, maybe in a modified form, in Theodore Roosevelt’s Square Deal, Franklin D Roosevelt’s New Deal, and other places.

    The word “populist” almost fell into disuse for many years. It was revived sometime around the 1990’s and by the 2000’s was being flung around by many. Any politician who raised hopes and got an extremely(not to say an hysterical)response from their crowds might be labelled a “populist.”

    But things had changed. Now there were right wing populists and left wing populists. The media began to use the term broadly and unfortunately no one, as far as I know, made any attempt to explain what they meant. We needed a bit of public education from reporters and other political writers and perhaps maybe even more from TV anchors and commentators. Maybe this occasionally happened but I don’t remember it and I don’t think any such thing went very far.

    So now we have again people called populists with almost no one knowing exactly what the name means. Of course, if you are relatively sophisticated in your knowledge of American politics and in the use of language, you may understand. But it would be nice if the understanding was closer to universal and not just a word used to describe candidates that share certain characteristics, real or faked, natural or assumed.

    My own take on what “populism” means today is that it means anyone who seems to have(or think that they have)a strong connection to “the people.” They presumably understand them in a way others don’t. But another big part of it is that they seem to share the people’s tastes and even some of their nastier prejudices, and sometimes they seem to celebrate these as a positive for holding the group together. The biggest and most successful of these is clearly President Trump who, since entering the area about the middle of the past decade has brought a new style to American politics. It is now apparently acceptable for politicians to swear, use vulgar language and attack their opponent’s intelligence, intentions, abilities, etc without limitations on words or level of nastiness.

    This is, of course, not the whole story. Some populist candidates are no doubt well-intentioned and more restrained in their modes of expression. But they all come down to one thing. I would express it this way. ‘Populism is the direct translation of public opinion into public policy.’ In other words, you determine what the people want and you give it to them as quickly as possible and with as little discussion or debate as possible. I think this occurs on both sides.

    Although cultural and economic issues are important on both sides, conservative populists tend toward the cultural and leftist ones toward the economic. Each side of course, usually leaves a little room for some of the complaints form the other side, but this is the usual breakdown. I’d say Mandami’s election is a perfect example of populist thought on the left, though I do not find many of the negative sides of populism in what he said during the campaign. But it did the one big thing populist leaders try to do. It convinced a large number of voters that the candidate agreed with them heard them and would speak for them. And this is, I think, the essence of populist political activity.

    I do not know whether this will turn out to be a good thing or a bad thing for the US and the world. There appears to be a word wide shift toward this type of leader–Erdogan in Turkey, Modi in India, Orban in Hungary–well, I won’t go on with the list but I hope you see what I mean.

    I suspect that it is clear by now that I am hopeful about this matter but also a bit mistrustful. Sometimes populism looks as if it might descent into mob rule. Sometimes it takes the views of the obviously uninformed and seems to consider them with the views of the better informed. Sometimes it appears to appeal to the lower aspects of our envy and anger, not to “the better angels of our nature,” as Lincoln put it. I guess time will tell.

    I will close with a quotation that I would not take as the whole story or the whole answer, but I do think is both funny and deserving of some consideration. H L Mencken said something like, “Democracy is the theory that the public knows what it wants and deserves to get it good and hard.”

    T

  • A New Mystery About Old(er) Times

    Marie Benedict, “The Queens of Crime,” copyright 2025, St Martin Publishing co

    Most books which are told in a narrative manner(mainly, I guess, I mean where usually one thing follows another)are roughly divisible in to two types–Fiction and Non-Fiction. Occasionally you get one that is part each and I have one here. It is mostly fiction, but not entirely as I will try to explain.

    Marie Benedict is an American who lives in(of all places to a veteran Cleveland area person) Pittsburgh. But she knows her subjects, early 20th century British social history, and the history of the British Mystery novel very well and puts all that knowledge to use, along with a sprightly style, in this book.

    The “true” part of this book is the background. The geographical setting is southern UK and northern France. The time is 1930-1931 when WWI is fading a little bit, but only a little in people’s memories and is still to many a significant fact. The coming debacle of depression and economic troubles is on the horizon but not quite in everyone’s awareness yet. Not too much is made of this, but you know it’s there, at least if you know early 20th century history.

    The immediate social setting of the book is(though in differing locations at times)the world of British Mystery writers in what is often(mostly correctly, I would say) know as the Golden Age of the Mystery novel. There really was a Detection Club centered in London and with G K Chesterton as its first President, and it began with authors of that era.

    This is our starting point. If you think the Detection Club itself sounds interesting, I suggest Martin Edward’s “The Golden Age of Murder” which deals with older British mystery writing and concentrates on the Detection Club. Edwards, a distinguished mystery writer today, is the current President of the club.

    The beginnings of the club saw only two women members, though, somewhat ironically, they would become the best known of writers of that group. They were Dorothy L Sayers, creator of Harriet Vane and Lord Peter Wimsey, and Agatha Christie, whom I’m going to assume you already know. In her afterward Benedict admits that she plays with history a bit now and then and one example is that there is no real indication that there was anything sexist about the club at its beginning. But that is the cause, albeit invented by the novelist, that brings our five heroines together and that’s OK with me.

    So, we have five female mystery writers banding together to bring more women into the club. This is the story’s premise. They choose to call themselves “The Queens of Crime.” In addition to Sayers and Christie, they are Marjorie Allingham, Baroness Orczy, and Ngaio Marsh. Apparently strange names encourage people to write mysteries. Have you known anyone named “Ngaio.?” And if you’re full name was Emma Magdelena Rozalia Maria Jozefa Borbala Orczy de Orci you’d likely use a shortened version too.

    Each one of them had her own detective(s). Sayers had Vane and Lord Peter, Christie, Poirot and Jane Marple, Allingham, Albert Campion, Orczy the Scarlett Pimpernel, and Marsh Roderick Allyn. (I recently saw the old film of “Pimpernel” which I must say I found very mediocre)

    At the beginning of the book these five friends and colleagues make their pact. They will find a way to get more women writers into the club. That will be their mission. But it’s not. This is because Dorothy, who tells the story in the first person, has an idea. What would win the respect of the gentlemen in the club like the ladies solving a real murder? When the others question her as of whether she had a real murder in mind, it turns out she does. She remembers the case of a British girl, who seemed to disappear inexplicably while on a one day cross-channel trip with a friend, Miss McCarthy. Later, her body was found; yes, she had been murdered. And so, to no experienced mystery fan’s surprise, suddenly they are involved with a real mystery.

    It appears to Dorothy that neither the French nor the British authorities made a very serious effort to catch the culprit. Oh, they went through motions and perhaps a bit more. People who knew the two girls were interviewed and a little bit of evidence gathered. But there appears to be no real, convincing evidence about what happened. Dorothy suspects that the fact that the victim, May Daniels, was relatively poor, not from a “good family,” and female may have led to this lack of seriousness in effort.

    So the ladies organize and take off. They travel a lot, particularly between France and the UK. At first it seems discouraging. But all things come to those who wait, or someone once said so. Particularly if they wait and work. And eventually, after interviews, discussions and analysis they begin to learn some things.

    Some of May’s friends think she might have had a “beau” in recent months. No one seems to know who it was. They discover, through Miss McCarthy, that May had two beautiful dresses from a stylish London shop. She could never have afforded them. Who could and did, for her? They follow clues carefully, just as their heroic fictional detectives might, but perhaps with a bit less panache. It’s easier to give that sort of thing to a character you’ve created than to create it immediately for yourself.

    But the case eventually unfolds, somewhat in the manner of a mystery novel. A visit to the dress shop yields an address. No one knows whose address it is, but that’s where the dresses were sent. And this leads to a Law Firm with two dubious guys, a father and son, making money, seducing women and likely dealing in spurious investment schemes too.

    At the same time the name of a theatre intrudes. May, it is established, had tickets to a play there that she clearly could not afford. Once again, who bought them?

    Meanwhile Dorothy is is trouble. Although she has a loving husband, he’s a reporter and often not at home or anywhere near her. This leaves her feeling(for good reason it turns out)that she’d unprotected, She is attacked, her hotel room nearly invaded. She survives more or less intact, but someone is after her for something. Worst of all, she gets a letter which is clearly a black mail attempt. She is warned to quit pursuing the matter or everyone one will learn what the writer of the letter knows. Now, what do you think that could be?

    This leads the ladies to a great deal of talking, the occasional quarrel and a great deal of doubt. But, noses to the grindstone, they slowly–and logically–work it out. There is some talk(appropriately, not a great deal )about how they all tend to end their novels. If you know traditional mysteries, you know the drill–you get everybody involved together in the library and–well, that only works if it’s a big-house-in-the- country story, but you can do urban versions of it. And that is, cleverly, more or less what we get here. The way Ms. Benedict gets you there is crisply described, but not without a sense of “whats-going-to-happen?” suspense about it. This is the kind of book where you turn the page and almost unconsciously do a quick scan of the two new pages appearing to you to see what names are there and if you’ve gotten to the final answer. Who did it?

    Obviously, this is where I stop the narrative. The mystery fan’s code of honor says you don’t give away or even hint much at the solution and goes double for someone writing about it. But it all is done with careful, succinct writing and an excellent sense of logic. And it meets the first requirement for a good mystery. You care who is guilty as much when you’re learning the answer as you did when you first learned the question.

    So if you like this type of mystery, well here’s a good one for you. And keep an eye on this lady. She already has a number of books published and appears to tend toward books like this one–fictional works based on real history. The really interesting events of history are sufficient that a novelist who has an eye for combining historical background with imagined events ought to have an inexhaustible source of possibilities. You might as well see where this takes her.