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The Ghosts of Movies Past–The Uninvited
I originally thought of this title for a series about old films some time ago and I guess the title came to me by way of memories of “A Christmas Carol.” But I waited long enough to begin, that it now fits the season of Halloween. By “ghosts” here, I mean mostly the former, the lingering effect of films, both in the minds of individuals and in the rather ephemeral but I think important national subconscious-at least the subconscious of movie fans. So I begin with two kinds of ghosts to talk about, the effect of a movie and the subject of the movie itself.
“The Uninvited(1944), is, technically, an American film but it sure seems like a British one. Set in Cornwall in the spring-summer of 1937, it concerns a brother and sister(Ray Milland and Ruth Hussey)who, while on vacation, discover a large, long deserted house and become determined to buy it. He is a London music critic and composer and she is, apparently, independently well to do. They pool their resources and succeed in getting the house, purchasing it from the owner, a crusty old carryover from Victorianism(Donald Crisp), and also come into contact with his overprotected and somewhat intimidated granddaughter, Stella(Gail Russell).
The film, like most at the time, and fortunately, I think, in this case, is in black and white. It begins with a wide-vision shot of the sea and the audience gets to see white caps as the waters come ashore on the rocks. They also get to hear the sound of this. Meanwhile, they hear Milland doing a voice-over regarding the coasts of lands that border this part of the sea and their propensity for providing a background for ghostly events. This all sets the scene nicely and puts the viewer in an agreeable tingly mood.
I will not go into the film in great detail here, but you need to know a little of what happens. The granddaughter, much against her Grandfather’s wishes, makes friends, barely, with the two Londoners. She and Milland seem to have a quick, closeness between them, and the stage seems set for romance, particularly when Milland writes her a song. But instead there is uncertainty and fear(“Stella By Starlight” became a jazz/Great American Songbook hit–you still might hear Miles Davis’s and other versions of it on Sirius “Real Jazz”)
On the first night brother and sister are together in their new home, Milland hears the sound of a woman sobbing. His sister explains that during the weeks he was cleaning up details in London and she was civilizing the house, she heard this several times, and no, it’s not Lizzie, the housekeeper, whose cat behaved oddly and refused to go upstairs. “It comes from everywhere and nowhere,” she says. Yes, indeed.
Without going into revealing details, I will merely say that this is the beginning of a tense and compelling ghost story that does not terrify you with nut cases running around with chainsaws, but may make your hair re-arrange itself a couple of times and send through you a couple of chills, so you feel as if you had just come inside on a cold winter day. Questions are asked and not, immediately, anyway, answered. The history of the house is studied and eventually, after quite a bit of tension and suspense, there are a number of ghostly manifestations(along with some explanations, too).
If you check this out on-line you will find many people praising it. But some regard it as weak stuff, nothing like today’s “shock” films with noise, blood and violence. This is, in my opinion, a good thing. This movie is not about physical violence. It is about subtle, spiritual and psychological haunting and the different but still chilling fear it can bring. It is way more sophisticated than the gross chop ’em to bits type. It is by far my favorite supernatural film–“The Haunting” from the 1960’s would be second, but for all its qualities it is not equal to this.
Part of the reason for this film’s excellence is found in the efforts of the director, Lewis Miller. Every scene seems to fit, to be an integral part of the story. The appearance and atmosphere of the house are allowed to play a significant role, but one you see or sense in the background, just part of the scenery of chills. When the manifestations do appear, they are not clear–they are foggy and indistinct, like something from a dream or a surrealist artist, as if telling us that this is not just a matter of other people, it’s other people from outside our reality, but real and perhaps threatening all the same.
Given the movie’s age you might expect to creak a little bit–and it does, but only slightly. Some of the romance is a bit contrived and the attempts at humor are clearly several decades behind the curve. But these count little, they are a small part of the overall story, maybe 5% or less of the movie. And there is the brief presence of the elegant and unusual Cornelia Otis Skinner who in a very busy life acted a little bit and maybe should have more. Her teacher/counsellor is a combination of authoritarianism and doubtful sanity that you won’t forget.
This is not a movie for people who want to be “shocked” by violence and mayhem and screaming. It is about the mystery and spookiness of encountering the supernatural and trying to figure it out, and being both afraid on one hand and anxious to learn on the other. It’s a film for people who like mystery in the most serious and meaningful sense of the term, the kind that sneaks up on you after midnight, and spooks your mind and soul rather than threatening your body. In an era where so many movies have the grossest violence with almost no subtlety at all, it is a reminder of civilized behavior and presumes it can exist among both those of flesh and blood and the wandering spirits. Try it, you might really like it.
(Other than the common title, this film has nothing to do with the one made in the late 2000’s, maybe 2009 or thereabouts. I watched about 20 or 25 minutes of it once which was enough to determine that 1) The stories are not connected and 2) I was wasting my time)
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The Coronation, the Derby–and We’re Now Going Where?
The coronation of Charles III and the Kentucky Derby took place the same day, a few hours and several thousand miles apart in distance and time, but in some ways very similar in spirit. They were accompanied by another outrage of violence in the US, a few hours after the coronation and almost simultaneous with the Derby, so much so that in some cases the TV coverage of the two seemed to get in each other’s way. It was as if fate was giving us another look, a chance to say, “Hey, folks.’ look what’s happening.” Or perhaps it was not fate speaking but time itself, that enigmatic creature which has dominated man’s consciousness for so many centuries without really yielding her secrets.
The coronation was an act of law but also an act of faith. It showed faith that something of the past survived and would survive, especially within the UK and the English-speaking world. It showed faith that the monarchy itself would survive, a fact that has been debated in the past but seems, at least temporarily to be mildly quiescent. It showed, beyond any reasonable or perhaps even unreasonable doubt, that a great many of the British people still honor the monarchy and love having it–the pageantry, yes of course, it wouldn’t be the same without it. But also, the feeling (partly inspired by the pageantry)that things were “going on,” that the past had bequeathed to people today a lot of things, some good and some not, but certainly including a treasure trove of memory, controversy, and heartbreak related to the royal family and their people and the relationship between them.
There was the King himself, still seeming like a new king, though actually enthroned as a practical matter for about 8 months. He looked somewhat haggard but also bore himself with steely determination, and on the few occasions when he was required to speak the voice was firm and clear.
Camilla, attaining the long-desired title of “Queen” looked exhausted by the wait but grateful for her final victory, and willing to share it with generosity. And then there was the rest of the family, the millions of watchers, and the reminders of the past. The ceremony, some of which is traceable to William the Conqueror in the 11th century is still impressive and has the power of a good ceremony to invoke in people a feeling of connection to the past, even if they do not understand exactly what it is. But national pride descends not only through the mind but through the genes and the subconscious, and the latter two were well served on Saturday, along with, fortunately, the first.
This was because, for all the compromises and changes and the concessions to times changing, there is enough of the past left in the service to evoke conscious memories and subconscious longings. And these , some intellectual, some emotional, many linguistic, and some a kind of identification with myth(however you use the term)combined admirably. Together they evoked the feelings of empathy, brother/sisterhood, and identification with place and past that make for a grateful people–largely grateful whatever their current problems, and even somewhat grateful for the history that has led them to where they are, even in Brexit’s economic doldrums.
So it was a success, on the whole, a satisfactory formalization of what had actually happened last year when the crown passed from the unforgettable Elizabeth II to her loyal and well-learned son who has spent youth, middle age and the beginning of old age training for being King. Now he is King, and the boy’s dreams and ambitions, the young man’s hopes and pain, and the old man’s wisdom have coalesced about him in what we hope will be a successful fulfillment of the duty and opportunity that he has anticipated and perhaps dreaded for so long.
Something over 3000 miles to the Southwest of London, there occurred another ceremony that linked the past and present. At Churchill Downs, Lexington KY, there was the 149th running of the Kentucky Derby. Unlike the coronation this is a regular event, taking place as it does the first Saturday of every May and highlighting the spring racing season in the US. This has been going on for nearly a century and a half now, the first one being in 1875 when Reconstruction still ruled in parts of the South and the US was pushing its way through a bad depression and working itself into the most(even more than 2020)controversial and disputed presidential election in history.
The Derby has dominated American racing for a century and a half and has become one of those touchstones of American identity and pride. It has been there through bad times and good, through Republicans and Democrats, through wars, bad economic times, and scandals. And it has withstood them all and remained something that attracts the attention and sometimes the awe of nearly everyone, even the youngest and hippest. I’m sure Artificial Intelligence knows about it though we still wait comment from that source.
The Derby has run every year WITHOUT EXCEPTION from the first one to the one last Saturday, and often in difficult times. The only times the date has varied from the first Saturday of May were 1945, when World War II got in the way and 2020 when covid did. In each case it was postponed, but in both years it was run, if not on time(Historian’s question-why did they run it as usual in 1942 with the Japanese advancing in the Pacific and the Germans in the USSR, then put it off in 1945 when the Germans were just about down and out and the Japanese were clearly on the ropes–or maybe, here, I should say, a dozen lengths behind with a few seconds to go? I’ve been unable to figure this one out, or to get a good description of what the 1942 run for the roses must have been like with the country in some real danger) Although crossing the finish line is always the most exciting part, the most iconic is the parade of the horses before the race, while the sounds, instrumental and vocal, of “My Old Kentucky Home” are heard in the background, the sounds of the old days impinging on the present and almost begging us to listen to them, and not to forget them, to hold onto our past. It is difficult to think that any American from any part of the country, does not feel a thrill from that splendid display of color, music and history.
The Derby has often been the source of drama and delight-Arts & Letters pushing Majestic Prince to his win in the Derby, 1969, Secretariat setting a time record in 1973 which has stood for half a century, Always Dreaming adding, just by his name, a poetic and almost spiritual sound to the glory of his win in 2017(or maybe he was just still dreaming that Hillary had won the previous November-who knows?”)
But the glory and joy of it all seem to touch everyone there, even the owners and horses who lost and the jockeys who rode all but one of the latter to disappointment. When it’s all over some of the joy seems to settle over everyone, even the TV viewers miles away, and while there may be many reasons for this, one of them is that we know we have seen a repeat of the American past that has been there for 150 years and shows no signs of fading, come Putin, Trump, or whatever. That sense of continuity has always been comforting to us as the Royal Family has to the Brits. But this year?
I have already mentioned, above, this year’s difference. Before the horses were off and running in Kentucky, there was new violence in Allen, TX. Government statistics tell us this was the 199th outbreak of mass shootings in the US this year. CNN tried to keep up on both the Derby and the Texas trouble. NBC, who covered the Derby, stuck pretty much to its already planned schedule, and there is no shame in that since they had an opportunity no other network did. While the shooting seems to have been around 3:30 PM CDT or about 2 1/2 half hours before the Derby started, there was no immediate TV coverage that I am aware of–there is almost always some lag between the event and the beginning of its TV coverage and this depends on several variables. But by the time the horses ran, most Americans watching any kind of Network and/or streaming TV likely had some notice that something new was wrong.
And as a result millions no doubt enjoyed watching the Derby, but with a part of their minds reminding them that there was a new outbreak of an old and terrible American problem, and they went on to watch Mage rack up his win with a small but profound nagging at their consciousness saying something like,”Go ahead and celebrate, it’s your right–but there’s trouble out there and while celebration may ease your secondary pain about it, it will not get rid of it.
So NBC went ahead with its post-race interviews with jockeys and owners, etc and the race was duly described by the professionals whose job includes covering and explaining the Derby, one of American sports’ principal yearly events. I watched some of this part myself, but with me as with millions of others there was that nagging knowledge that soon NBC News too would be covering another terrible day with respect to violence and another spasm of “thoughts and prayers” requests and promises and a (now increasing) group of people saying that isn’t enough and more needs to be done.
The most persuasive and perhaps most honorable expression of this opinion came from Steven Spainhouer. Spainhouer is a middle aged guy, former military and law enforcement and a believer in the rights of the Second Amendment. “I love my guns,” he said. But he went on to talk about his experience of arriving at the mall shortly after the shooting where he was supposed to meet his son, an employee there, for lunch.
He stumbled across several bodies including a girl–well, I’ll not go further into it. Check it out, you’ll find the interview all over the internet. Read it or listen to it carefully and if you’re looking at the video, watch his face. And listen to his words. He loves his guns and the Second Amendment, but he quite specifically said “When you get hit with an automatic weapon fire at close range, there is no opportunity for survival … It wasn’t mental health that killed these people. It was an automatic rifle with bullets”. He also said, “I’m a gun lover. I have guns. …But these M-4s, AR-15s, they’ve got to gt off the streets, or this is going to keep happening.” You are a good man, Mr Spainhouer–wish there were more like you, wherever in the country.
I hope that many people heed his words. I hope that some of those who do are from high places such as Congress and the White House. I hope they do something.
It is depressing to see the beauty of a coronation, or a Kentucky Derby ruined. It is even worse to contemplate the decline of our civilization so that the main subjects on the internet are often Trump’s sex life and language and somewhat after that his egregious behavior. But this violence is the worst.
There were many things about the past, including the part that I remember, that needed to be changed. Thankfully, many of them have been and racially and sexually society today is largely much more fair and just than it once was (still less than perfect, incidentally). I am one older person quite willing to acknowledge many of the changes were necessary and some still are needed.
But the advances have been accompanied by losses along the way and lost in the change seem to have been admiration of beauty and solemnity, style and grace, and the appreciation of the good things of the past, without admiring its shortcomings. Even more alarmingly, in the US it appears that even the most basic kind of patience is at risk, giving those who are unbalanced and have access to war-style weapons the ability to wreak havoc on about anyone and anything, leaving us all vulnerable and less able to appreciate coronations and derbies and the like as we huddle in our own shells, literal or not, and cut ourselves off from each other.
“Where have you gone, Joe DiMaggio?” Simon and Garfunkel asked more than half a century ago. In a time of turmoil(Vietnam war protests, civil rights marches, riots, pot, hippies, etc), two of the leaders of the turmoil-loving generation paused a moment, and thought of what they knew of years gone by and wondered if something had been lost. They were right to wonder. Something had and it’s likely not coming back, not most of it, anyway, except perhaps to serve as a misunderstood backdrop for the Proud Boys and other such groups.
Now we ask much the same question, though of whom, I have no idea. If you have an answer, please let us know. We’d be glad to listen.
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Journey Through the Mind– Maybe Elsewhere
“How to Change Your Mind–What the New Science of Psychedelics Teaches Us About Consciousness, Dying, Addiction, Depression, and Transcendence” by Michael Pollan Copyright 2018 by Penguin Press
Pollan is a Professor of Writing and Journalism at U-Cal Berkeley and at Harvard. He apparently is well grounded in psychology, pharmacology, social relations and several other things. He has published a number of books and often contributed to the NY Times magazine. So we have here a smart and educated man who expresses himself well. We also have one who has taken psychedelics and also studied the drugs themselves and the effects they have had on others. The result is a fascinating book, particularly if you are a seeker after the ultimate in the fields of spirituality or psychology, epistemology or about anything else important you may think of.
Pollan does not offer absolutely ultimate answers. But he suggests many things and touches on the ultimate fairly frequently. By “the ultimate” I mean, what/who are we really? What is our origin? Who or what force created us? And how well do we understand our own nature? Pollan has interviewed (and discusses seriously these matters with) a huge number of people who have in one way or another been connected to psychedelics over the past–well half century or so, actually, but especially about the last 20 years.
The result is a scholarly(but not humorless)recounting of psychedelics starting with the invention of LSD(1943)and carrying on through the 50’s when there was research and experimentation, the 60’s when it was cult enthusiasm and a social/political issue, and on to the present. This includes a government ban for about a generation on experiments, and the enthusiastic return of many to experiments, use and publicity of a sorts in the 21st century.
The book is a little over 400 pages and some of it is a faster read than other parts. About the first half of it is a usually scholarly and certainly a careful and well researched explanation of what psychedelics are and what they do, as far as this is both understandable and comprehensible. There is also a great deal of the social history of their use and of their relationship and struggles with the US legal system. If you really want to know the subject well you need to read this part of the book carefully.
But, to be frank, some of it is interesting and some of it–well, not so interesting. If you just want to know his own experiences and attitudes regarding psychedelics, and get some idea of what using them is like, you can get these by reading the second half. In fact, I think you could call the second half the “good stuff” part of the book and it begins with chapter 4 on p 221.
Since I tend to read more than 1 thing at a time, you can usually tell my attitude towards a book by how long I take with it. It took me somewhere around a month, maybe a little bit less, to read the first half. I think I did the second half in less than a week. Well, it was the “good stuff,” what else can I say? In any event, it is my intention to concentrate on the second half and on what he experienced and discovered and what he surmises based upon conversations and experience. He delves into his own mind-experiences and he tells the reader what other people have relayed to him. There is no way I’m going to try to explain everything in the good stuff, but I will try to make it representative.
When Pollan decided he wanted to learn about this subject he tried to find the right people. This meant entering a quasi-illegal culture where respectable people such as professors and psychiatrists and psycho-therapists conducted carefully guided surreptitious sessions with searchers and seekers and people with problems whom they thought they could help. He took his time in choosing a therapist to act as his guide. Fortunately, he chose well, as this is, he fully admits, a fairly dangerous venture if you try it unsupervised or in the hands of an irresponsible person.
He describes in detail his first LSD trip, tightly supervised, and how it brought him to a new outlook on personal identity and reality and the rest of the book is largely elaborations on this theme. But what elaborations, a huge number of them discussed and none exactly alike, but mostly with one organizing belief. And this is where I enter dangerous territory, both in that some will be perturbed by what I say and in that I may get something wrong as my own background in this sort of thing is, well, limited. I did smoke a little pot many years ago when I was a recent graduate school drop-out working at a job I despised.
The organizing belief here is that there is more than one kind of human consciousness. Maybe another way of looking at it would be to say there are different levels of human consciousness. In any event, our ordinary, everyday awareness is the most obvious of these and the one we use–because it works–most of the time. But there are other levels and they may be useful too–for certain kinds of healing and understanding, among other things.
First, anyone who has had what is usually described as a mystical experience is likely to recognize many of the descriptions of the drug experience. The two seem to be frequently identical in terms of human perceptions. Mysticism is something I will not pursue to a great extent here. But we need to acknowledge it and get at least a rudimentary understanding of it.
Without going into much detail, suffice it to say that mysticism is difficult to define, but it is fairly easy to say what it is not. It is NOT just any kind of weird or ESP type experience. It is not(usually, anyway)a ghostly encounter. Maybe ghostly encounters are sometimes real, but they are not mysticism. It is not just something foolish and strange. Studying it might lead to the conclusion that it is neither one.
Mysticism is, as nearly as I can quickly define it, a method of obtaining knowledge of what the Truth Behind the Truth is. It is not knowledge obtained directly by reading or listening, but only by experiencing and the experience is inward. It is clear that epileptics often have mystical-type experience but it is also clear that many people have and have had these experiences without being epileptic. It is not linked, in fact, to any kind of psychological or mental illness. Those who have studied and/or know mystics often comment on their mental health and normality.
Mysticism is supposed to reveal a truth at, let’s say, a layer of human consciousness most of us rarely experience or maybe never do. Mystical experience may come from prayer, contemplation, or just opening the mind and relaxing. Although I have no direct experience of this it is my guess that it could be induced by music, alcohol or sex, any or all of them, but usually is not. Mystical experiences often come upon one unbidden and unanticipated.
Although mystics have different interpretations of what happens to them, there seems to by wide agreement that they learn something new about humanity and themselves when in this state and that the new information they have is true, way beyond any reasonable doubt. They also, most of them, find a new peace in this knowledge and live happier and less stress-filled lives after this knowledge is obtained.
NOW-the big idea that Pollan has is that this experience of mysticism is likely real, but is also attainable in another way than the classical mystical approach. That is would be drugs, particularly those usually known as psychedelic substanaces. The best know of these is, of course, LSD.
After long being banned in the US , experimenting with psychedelics in controlled, usually university sponsored, sessions became legal again about 15 years ago. Experiments have taken place in a number of locations, mostly in California and at Johns Hopkins and NYU, two of the most famous and prestigious of American institutions of higher learning.
Pollan’s research indicated that many of these experiments with LSD, psilocybin and other such substances have been largely “successful,” in one sense. Usually a successful experiment means one from which the scientists learned something. That meaning is by no means absent here, but more importantly the use of these substances in these controlled circumstances, with subjects guided by learned and experienced experts relieved various kinds of human mental suffering. Pollan’s title tells you largely what–fear of death, addiction issues, and depression.
Now, one thing that impressed me with Pollan is that he actually dealt with a question I have wondered about and never had gotten an answer to before, not in anything I read, and not in the one time I asked someone something. My question is simply this. All mystics, or anyway all who have expressed themselves on this particular issue, have maintained that at some point in the mystical experience the identifiable, individual personal ego disappears, preusmably becomes part of something else..
They differ on what this something else is. Some would say God, some the One, some other things,–perhaps the Real Self(behind our personal selves, and I’m guessing on this one), perhaps Nirvana(Buddhism). Some non-religious types who eschew any kind of “spiritual” explanation, would say it disappears into some kind of super personality we all belong to, or retreats into the super-ego or whatever. The point is that with few if any dissenters, they maintain the ego goes somewhere during a mystical experience.
My unanswered question has always been this. While they claim that the individual ego disappears, they also strive to tell us what the experience was like. Nearly all of them say it was ineffable, that is inexpressible. But they all seem to remember that there was something they’d like to express, something they experienced. Well, if the ego disappeared, I would ask, who was doing the observing? Who was there to experience anything at all, regardless of whether it is something they can express?
I don’t remember any writer on mysticism ever addressing this question. Though I no longer remember the exact details, I do know that once I asked this question in some kind of class or lecture, and the “expert” I asked misunderstood what I was asking or thought it unimportant. It is important to me. I want to know how something(someone-whoever)can disappear and still be able to offer an opinion on what happened during their period of absence.
Pollan, maybe without exactly intending to do so, actually takes a swing at this. If you want to check it out more exactly try pp 304-306 & 388-390, so you may read the author’s exact words, some of which I will quote.
One of Pollan’s experiences in using psychedelics was similar to some of his fellow volunteers. The had what they experienced as “ego dissolution.” Pollan says that the “bounded self” may be an illusion. “The psychedelic experience of ‘non-duality’ suggests that consciousness survives the disappearance of the self, that it is not so indispensable as we –and it–like to think.”
OK–and to go further with more or less the same idea–“Of all the phenomenal effects that people on psychedelics report, the dissolution of the ego seems to me by far the most important …I found(among researchers)…it is finally the loss of ego or self …they’re suggesting is the key psychological driver of the experience.”
“Consider …the sense of transcendence, sacredness, unitive consciousness, infinitude … can all be explained by what it can feel like to a mind when its sense of being, or having, a separate self is suddenly no more.”
Pollan says it is no wonder that when the boundaries of the self fall away, a person would feel one with the universe and, being a human and a meaning-needing creature, would begin to create stories to explain what happens. The brain gets so many “error signals” that it develops wild new interpretations of “an experience that transcends its capacity for understanding.”
Both Sigmund Freud and Aldous Huxley expressed themselves on this, Freud finding it a “regression to magical thinking,” Huxley “an access to transpersonal realms.” Pollan states there is no way to say for certain which of these is correct. Perhaps he has doubts about both thought he doesn’t say this. But he adds the thought that “losing or shrinking the self would make anyone feel more ‘spiritual,’ however you chose to define the word, and that this is apt to make one feel better.”
He does not have a final answer on this, but offers, near the end of this section of the book, the following–spirituality is usually perceived as the opposite of materialistic. But he thinks the “more useful antonym for ‘spiritual” might be ‘egotistical.’ As one’s ego dissolves, he opines, “so does a bounded conception not only of our self but of our self-interest. What emerges in its place is invariably a broader idea …of what matters in life. One in which a new sense of connection or love, however defined seems to figure prominently.”
Now, there are couple of things missing here in a sense-but not in a sense I think the author is to be criticized for. He never quite gets to answering my question–what is the “thing,” what is the consciousness that lies behind the ego and that the indivdual remembers the perceptions of when he returne to “normal ” consciouness.. Also, he never reaches a conclusion as to whether this is something that would be “spiritual” in the usual popular, more or less religious sense.
But it appears to me very likely that these things are unknowable, at least at present. Perhaps someday there will be a more advanced psychedelic or(and this would be more exciting)a more advanced method of non-drug induced mysticism which will explain it all. Then again maybe not, and perhaps in the overall scheme of things, that is not supposed to be revealed to us, at least not yet. Perhaps the final answer, -assuming one exists–would be too much for our emotions, or intellect, or sense of who we are or–well use your imagination on the rest.
Now this is a far as I am going to try to take you on this book and the ideas of Mr Pollan, who seems to me honest and brilliant. I have not the knowledge, nor to tell the truth, too much of the inclination to try to go further. I lack the background in psychology, biology, and philosophy to go any further. The book–including that first half I mentioned–is a treasure trove of ideas from these fields, but I am not going to try to give explanations that very well might prove to be wrong. I hope I have not gotten much wrong up to this point. Some of you with backgrounds in these fields have already likely noticed my lacking in knowledge and better understanding here.
So I take leave of you with the advice to check out this remarkable book and to come to it with an open mind and heart. I have no idea what images or ideas you may glean from it that I did not, but I would be happy to know if there are any. In fact, if you have any comments at all I would be glad to hear them. E-mail me at jnjcfloh@webtv.net or jbpatter@kent.edu if you wish. Your comments would be a pleasant contrast to all the ads and appeals for money. Thanks for your attention and I hope to be back soon with something more, uh, well normal maybe??
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The Mideast Gets More Complicated
Ramadan, Easter and Passover usually come at about the same time and this year is no exception. Ironically, along with this complexity which vexes few people, there is another that may vex many, now or later. To the Israeli political gridlock I discussed in my previous post there has now been added the complication of further armed conflict between Israel and some of its neighbors. Rockets have been fired, mostly from southern Lebanon into Israel and have caused some damage and some casualties Like the Ukrainian air force defending against Russian air attacks the Israelis intercept most attacking missiles, but it only takes one if it’s your family or home or business. Recently, two young Israelis, sisters, were killed by a rocket attack.
BBC and others are reporting that the missile attacks were revenge for an Israeli raid on Arab worshipers earlier this week at Al-Aqsa. This is a mosque which is part of the area known to Jews(and a lot of others)as the Temple Mount. The Israelis stated that the people in the area were there illegally and in defiance of an agreement and understanding that they not be there at that time. The Israelis maintain that they tried for a long time to remove them by persuasion before resorting to force. The force, including beatings with clubs, made TV.
The Arab side tells, of course, a different story. They claim that the Israelis made an unprovoked attack on legally assembled worshippers. The truth and the details or all this remain complicated and confused now and I shall deal with them later, if at all. Suffice it to say that the missiles initially came from Lebanon and involved a religious-political dispute between the Israeli government and Palestinian Moslems in Lebanon and that there are many unresolved questions.
I would like to unravel this just a little bit and then ask a couple of questions. First of all, what about Lebanon? This unfortunate country has been weighed down by a generation or two of strife, both civil war and civil disagreement. Once considered the Paris of the Middle East, Beirut, its capital, is no longer a tourist spot.
The political/religious situation is complex. There is a “legitimate” Lebanese government which tries to maintain relations with other countries and to behave more or less as a normal, independent nation. Sometimes it succeeds–sometimes not. Its main domestic antagonist is Hezbollah, one of the many Moslem radical groups that emerged from the late 20th century Arab world and increased its power and importance in the 21st.
The question of real power in Lebanon is delicate and difficult. Officially, the government, which itself is divided over religion and politics, is in charge and occasionally(very)they seem to be that. But their military power is certainly no greater and likely less than that of Hezbollah, the radical Sh’ia Moslem group. For many years it has been obvious that the government can do little if anything important without the agreement or at least non-interference of Hezbollah. When, about a decade and a half ago, there was a serious war between Israel and Lebanon it was Hezbollah that did most if not all of the fighting. It still seems to be dominant in the country as a whole.
To add a further complication, Hamas has now gotten involved. Hamas is a radical Sunni Moslem group that long has dominated Gaza, next door to Egypt on the west of Israel(Lebanon is to the north-try a good map on-line). Hamas and Hezbollah do not have exactly the same goals all the time, and of course are on different sides of the Sunni-Sh’ia quarrel, but they are close enough, apparently, enough to make them a dual danger to the Israelis.
Hamas is the leading–more or less the only–functional power in Gaza and now they seem to have some presence in Lebanon also. They were quick to stat firing rockets from Gaza into Israel and it appears they have some people in Lebanon who may have fired rockets at Israel too. So we have Israel and the Moselm power, Hezbollah, quarrelling over a disputed site, the quarrel escalating to violence on the ground, then Moslem rockets hitting Israel and now Israeli strike-back at Moslem sites.
Although it is always much easier to criticize from miles away about a fight in which you are not directly involved, I do have a couple of comments. It seems to me that the quickness with which the Moslems, led by Hezbollah, began attacking Israel was an extremely bad idea. The political crisis in Israel(see previous blog) makes the place more volatile than usual and whoever was in power would have been at least tempted to prove himself to the voters with rapid retaliation. Netanyahu was a hard liner to begin with and his curious coalition of right wing political parties and Orthodox Jewish extremists is obviously going to want quick revenge. Stirring a pot that is already boiling was not a good idea and the Moslems might have gained some credit with a show of restraint.
I have similar comments about the Israeli side. I am not a fan of Netanyahu as I hope is obvious if you’ve read what I’ve said about him before. But I recognize that he has been at times a strong if often misguided (my opinion) leader and he is the leader now. He wants to please his followers. He is also no doubt being harassed by great pressure from the right wing of his coalition to “do something.” EVEN SO I wish he had hesitated in ordering retaliations. If he had done so and the Moslems, Hezbollah, went on attacking he would then have something of a moral high ground position. He would be able to say something like, “Hey, we waited–how about stopping this now before we have to strike back?” And then the ball would be in Hezbollah’s court again and they could go on fighting and further their ruin their reputation, or they would deal.
Neither one of these has happened (nor was either one very likely, I admit) so I hope the folks at the state Department are working hard on sorting this out. The US has no treaty obligations exactly here, but our long term pledges and relationship with Israel dictate that we would stand behind the Israelis if it appeared their existence as a state was threatened. This is unlikely but should be kept in mind.
We also have to keep in mind that Hezbollah is closely linked to Iran, a country which wants nothing to do with agreements with the US. We may have to offend Hezbollah to some extent, but this should be held to a minimum and kept as muted as possible. It is unlikely, but not inconceivable that there could be a payoff in creating an opening to the Iranians. This is not a real expectation, but it is worth considering, all the same.
Beyond that, and within the limits of what can be done by a department already involved with Ukraine, China-Taiwan, Putin and others, I think we should offer our good offices to bring about peace. This likely would not work, but what if it did? And if it didn’t, at least we would be on the record as trying to bring peace, not more strife to the region. It would not make up for all the errors, ours and others’ in the past, but it might be a start. Sometimes, that’s all you need.
There is more to be said on this complex and terrible situation, but now is not the time. I wish a Happy Easter or other holiday to all and hope to return shortly with further developments and thoughts.
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It’s a Dangerous World, Folks
My title will shock no one and seem quite frighteningly reasonable to anyone paying attention to world politics, the international type but also some of the domestic political conflicts. There seems to be trouble all over the place, Yes, I know that’ true pretty much all the time, but it does look worse to me than usual.
For an article by retired Gen Dan Leaf, a long time and one-time very high-ranking officer among our senior military leaders who make strategic decisions, see today’s(Mar 28) NYT. His column suggests that we try to make a formal peace with North Korea. The 1953 truce is still in effect with no genuine treaty ending the war. There has never been a formal treaty. His predictions are terrible and his facts and logic seem unassailable. You might want to read it–well maybe “should” is better than “want to.” Perhaps more on that later or, more likely, another column.
Much as I regret the North Korean threat and all the others, I think the most immediate thing–or at least an immediate thing- the administration should be looking at is Israel. Maybe looking at it is about all the US can do now, but at least let’s do that. Maybe some form of useful action will become clear.
As you likely know there was what might be an important step–at least a small one, anyway–yesterday. PM Netanyahu put a hold on his plan to strip the Supreme Court of most of its power(a 1-vote override in the Knisset would do it). He now says that he’s willing to let the legal reform bill go ahead without that provision. He will put that one off for the time being. There was no pledge to let it go, however, no indication that it is not his policy,
This has led to a large number of expressed opinions ranging from famous columnists to people interviewed on the street. I’ve looked at a number of opinions and to give you an idea of what’s going on and what I think, I have chosen to explore Tam Bateman’s BBC report. I do not know Bateman’s work, but I respect the BBC as one of the most competent and honest news organizations out there..
It appears to him that the PM’s speech has been a temporary success. But Bateman also seems to have doubts how long the “peace” will last. One thing the PM succeeded in doing was to divide, at least temporarily, the opposition(usually a good move in any political conflict). The huge number of Israelis who took to the streets(not an unknown action but somewhat unusual there) was split , more or less into two groups– the larger and presumably more responsible opposition parties who are taking a cautiously optimistic stance, and the more noisy demonstrators who are denouncing the speech and do not trust its promises to be anything but a political maneuver. Protests may continue.
But Bateman is seriously concerned that mot of the most bitterly divied Israelis are–well, still divided. On things such as relious and government power, restrictions on the latter, and trying to agree on the Palestinians, there is still deep division.
The roots of this are in the fact that Netanyahu returned to power about 3 months ago with a legal issue hanging over him and, more importantly, only after making agreements with some right wing leaders whom his Likud party had not been willing to deal with before. This time they had no choice if they were to get the 61 Knesset seats they needed to form a government. This pushed a lot of more liberal and/or secularist citizens into a feeling that Israel was heading toward being a theocracy. While perhaps an unfounded concern, this would be, if it proved to be true, a powerful disincentive for may on the left, especially the secularists, to cooperate.
Possibly the most ominous thing in Bateman’s report is that security chiefs reported to the PM that many in the military reserves were deeply opposed to his plans and that the functioning of the Israeli Defense Forces might be affected. This is, so far as I know, next to unheard of in Israeli politics. I think the armed forces have never before had their loyalty or ability to defend Israel from its enemies questioned.
It is now early afternoon on Mar 30 and roughly 2 days have passed since I finished writing the above paragraph. I have been researching on-line for half an hour or more and I do not see anything very hopeful to report. A large crowd, estimated by some at more than 30,000, has gathered at an Art Museum and they are threatening a march to an area used in recent months for demonstrations. These people are carrying signs indicating their support for Netanyahu and particularly for his judicial “reforms,” which we have seen(above)would negate much of the Supreme Court’s power. Many feel this would be a blow to Israeli democracy.
Among their stated complaints is one that contends that not to hand power over to the Knesset is anti-democratic. This is opposite of many opinions that see it as a step toward a legislative dictatorship or something akin to it. These latter opinions, admittedly more establishment, seem to make sense to me and also to most more moderate Israelis, as nearly as I am able to tell.
The same people are also saying that the legal cases against Netanyahu for corruption are strictly political, and charging that they are directly connected to his wishes to change the Supreme Court, the latter move presumably triggering the former as preventive or punishment or both. Adding to the trouble. a group of “religious”(presumably Orthodox)teenagers has joined in the demonstration with a particular point of their own. These teens are from Negev, the farthest south large city in Israel and one of its historic landmark places. They maintain that without the “reforms” they want to the Court, Negev itself will be taken over by the(Arab and Muslim) Bedouins and will cease to be Israeli.
All of this is complicated by the fact that the US and Israel have not been able to get together on this issue. President Biden said earlier this week that Netanyahu would not be invited to the White House in the near future and that the US was extremely concerned about the direction events in Israel were taking. Israelis responded with anger against their oldest ally, expressed in terms not usually heard in the past.
There is not, at present, very much the US can do except to remonstrate with the Israeli government. It should be pointed out to them that no one in the world of freedom(all of us who believe in individual rights and freedom of thought)is likely to be pleased by the plans they apparently still plan to carry out, perhaps in a somewhat limited form. Obviously Israel needs to find some policies regarding the West Bank, the Palestinians and the Supreme Court which will be supported by a respectable majority. And they need to use that majority to quieten the resonance of voices of anger and disunion in the country, and those who call for pretty much outright oppression of the Arab majority on the West Bank. Israeli governments have managed such things, sometimes barely, in the past. For the good of their honored nation and for the cause of peace in the Mideast and elsewhere, let us hope they can do it again.
It is now late morning on Mar 31 and I see and hear nothing new regarding this issue. Of course, the noise engendered by the Trump indictment is making everything else hard to hear. I will try to listen to both, but I will not delay finishing this thing up for the time being. There is a song familiar to those who know a certain kind of religious music, which bids us to “Pray for the peace of Jerusalem.” This would likely be a good time.
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Annexation–History, Meaning and Speculation
Putin has brought into the world’s awareness the word “annexation.” A lot of people likely think they know what it means and some of them are more than likely right. But it’s complicated, looking at its history and trying to guess what’s going to happen.
Nearly everyone knows that to be annexed means something(historically, usually, a country or other piece of land)has been taken possession of by a new ruler. There is, I think, also a kind of maybe subconscious feeling that this includes not just ruling but owning it and in a sense more serious than one might own a colony or distant-from-the-capital province.
This has happened to some degree or other, so many times in history that it would be a fool’s errand to try to do an exhaustive study of this short of a book length effort. I shall confine myself here to maybe two or three historical examples of annexation and try to explain what they brought about. After that I want to speculate on what Putin’s intent is, what his likelihood of success and what this may mean for the world, particularly East Europe, NATO and the West.
First of all, the meaning of the word is, primarily “union,” mainly a political union of some kind. It does seem to have with it the implication and/or assumption that the change was the result of someone beating someone else, militarily or diplomatically(maybe both). The first one I want to present to you is the annexation of Bosnia-Herzegovina by Austria-Hungary a few years before World War I. And already I have raised questions that require explanations.
Bosnia-Herzegovina may be regarded as one –well, thing–country, province, place, whatever. The reason for the dual name is something that goes back to the Middle Ages if not earlier and I am not going to deal with it here. It was for many years part of the Ottoman or Turkish Empire which ruled out of Constantinople. This Empire was founded at some date in the late 14th century or the early 15th. It had ruled parts of Asia, Africa and eastern Europe for many years . Ever since the fall of Napoleon nearly a hundred years earlier the Western Powers had been anticipating its collapse, but it was still staggering along in the first decade of the 20th century. It was still big enough with a large enough military to be, in certain circumstances, at least a nuisance and maybe a lot worse.
In 1878 the Treaty of Berlin, mainly intended by the Western Powers to put a brake on Russian expansion, included a part affecting B-H as I shall now refer to it Bosnia-Herzegovina. It stated that from then on Austria-Hungary would “administer” B-H while it would remain, technically, part of the Ottoman Empire. This meant that if you visited there you would find Austrian businessmen, civil servants and diplomats running the place, but if you looked on the map you would see the place belonged, geographically to the Ottomans. The Ottomans were no doubt irritated by this but they had no way of preventing it and were forced to accept this face-saving act while actually taking a defeat.
The Austro-Hungarian Empire had been around for over 40 years in 1908 and resulted from a uniting of what was left of the old Hapsburg lands(once the Holy Roman Empire) and the Hungarian “nation.” I use the quotation marks because the Hungarian people were actually divided into 2 or 3 identifiable entities which is very confusing and need not detain us further.
Suffice it to say that the two national groups, Austrians and Hungarians, were now all in the same Empire, each with a large number of sometimes restless minorities. The Austrians and Hungarians largely ran their own separate affairs, but were united by being ruled by the Hapsburg monarch and by having a common military and a common foreign ministry, so that together they presented themselves to the rest of the world as one country. It could be argued, I think, that they had already seen their best days and were declining, but not as quickly as the Ottomans and here was an opportunity to add some power in Eastern Europe, their old stamping ground.
So the Dual Monarchy, another name for Austria-Hungary, actually ruled B-H and got practically all of the benefits of a conqueror. They chose as a matter of convenience and diplomacy to allow the Ottomans to maintain in public the fantasy that B-H belonged to their empire. But in 1908 an uproar came out of Constantinople. A group of younger army officers(The “Young Turks”), disgusted with the apparent weakness and foolishness of their empire, pulled off a sort of coup in which they effectively took charge, although they kept their monarch, the Sultan on the throne and theoretically in power.
But these guys were ambitious and to outsiders no doubt looked as if they might do about anything. Apparently, the Dual Monarchy feared that they would try to take back real control of B-H. That would directly contradict their own ambitions in the Balkans which was about the only place left they could be ambitious. They decided to move quickly to make B-H theirs in law and theory as well as in practical fact and in the autumn of 1908 they announced their “annexation” to the world.
Now I think that this meant very little to most of the residents of B-H, at least in their ordinary day-to-day experience. They had been ruled by the Dual Monarchy and they would continue to be. But now the Dual Monarchy was their ruler in theory as well as fact. In any event, whatever the feeling in B-H, this stirred up a Hornet’s nest(several of them) of opposition around Europe. The Russians had been leading the Pan-Slavic movement by which they intended to bring all the Slavic nations of Eastern Europe into their sphere and possibly more than just their sphere. B-H was full of Slavs, but now would be also not just ruled by the DM but part of its sovereignty. This would impede the advance of Russia’s Slavic leadership plans.
Within B-H itself there was no doubt some dissatisfaction. They did not like the Austro-Hungarians much but they were also no big fans of the Turks and they may have resented being played with in the diplomatic board game. Some of them doubtless went so far as to dream of a a small, independent B-H state. But the greatest fury may have come from Serbia. This country, to the east of B-H, was the most ambitious of the South Slav states and had within its borders a large number of dreamers of expansion, of creating a greater Serbia that would include much of the Balkan peninsula. The solidifying of the Hapsburg(Austrian)rule there would make their dreams more difficult to fulfill. Among these dreamers there was a disturbed young man named Gavrilo Princep. He would later, in the name of Serbian glory, take part in an assassination which ultimately would kill about 9 million people.
So there is no doubt that this “annexation” of B-H created troubles, troubles that had been small before and now were large, or new troubles altogether. While the practical day-to-day of B-H changed little immediately, a cause was created, or rather several of them and the Balkans, always an area of trouble, would now be worse. Because Russia had been weakened by losing a war with Japan and then having to work its way through serious civil unrest, it was in no way able to intervene in all this. All it could do was protest and it did. Some Russian leaders swore they would not be caught this way again, weak and humiliated by other powers. And in an eerily accurate anticipation of 1914, Germany assured the Dual Monarchy of its support. This sounds very, very like the much disputed “blank check” they would(apparently) give the Hapsburg leaders again six years later. That time it led to a World War.
Another notable “annexation” occurred in China 1931-1932. This involved the Japanese and the Chinese province of Manchuria. Although long related, the Manchurian and the Chinse were originally two distinct peoples(well, maybe not to Westerners) and the Manchu(or Qing) Dynasty, 1644-1912 was usually considered by Chinese historians a “foreign” dynasty.
Manchuria was, in 1931, more or less universally accepted as part of China, though a distinct and individual part. It was rich in natural resources and the Japanese, cranking up their war machine for conquests needed all of those that they could get. It appears that this was mostly, if not entirely, an army effort and that the civil government in Tokyo knew little if anything about it. The Army generals pulled it off in a fit of expansionist enthusiasm and presented their government with a fait accompli. Now it was up to the government to deal with it and early in 1932 after the collapse of the Chinese resistance, Japan claimed it a part of their empire.
In point of fact this was not regarded by the Japanese as an annexation. They simply took it, deciding at least to put a more acceptable (if not very believable) face on their action by installing a deposed Chinse Emperor as King.(Later known as “Emperor”–this was Puyi, of the Qing Dynasty, the “Last Emperor” of Bertoluci’s movie) Theoretically, he ruled a new nation, Manchukuo. Actually, he took orders from the Japanese and did their bidding. “Manchukuo” was now Japan’s including the natural resources it needed.
There was a lot of angry talk about this at the League of Nations and elsewhere, but it was fairly clear from the beginning that there would be no action. The rest of the world was trying to deal with the now settling in Great Depression and had no time for international commitments. And still fairly recent World War I memories were yet another disincentive.
About the only nation to do much of anything(rather oddly, given the strength of American isolationism a few years later)was the US. It announced the Stimson Doctrine(named for Secretary of State Stimson)which at least told the Japanese the US was unhappy with them. But all it really said was that if Japan committed any more aggressive acts and took more land, the US would not recognize the new conquests. There was no threat of refusing recognition of what had already taken place. The Japanese seemed to take a “Big deal, we’ll worry later, if at all” attitude and. logically speaking, it’s hard to blame them.
Some historians consider this the beginning of Word War II although that is a rather fanciful idea in my opinion. What it did do was give Japan needed resources and, more importantly, it encouraged the idea that Japan and other potential aggressors(maybe in Europe?)needn’t worry too much about the Western Democracies. The democracies, the dictators would think, would not seriously resist their depredations. This was wrong, of course, but it was a long time being proved.
The other case I want to consider is one that students of 20th century Europe will recognize. This is the “Anschluss,” the taking of Austria by Germany in 1938. After the fall of the Austro-Hungarian empire after WWI, the nation state of Austria survived, but without the Empire which now became several different countries.(The dismantling of Soviet Russia’s empire as it broke into small, independent states after the USSR collapsed is similar) It is worth remembering that Austrians are essentially Germans, coming from the same ancestors and culture and separated from each other only by political events and borders. So it was natural that the two peoples would have a lot of fellow feeling and regard each other as at least natural allies, if not fellow countrymen. I think it would be correct to say that they were as much alike as Canadians and Americans.
Nonetheless, after Hitler rose to power in Germany, there was hesitation in Austria about being too close. A number of Austrian leaders, apparently with a sizeable following, objected to Nazism and wanted nothing to do with it. They got some support from Mussolini who wasn’t quite sure he was Hitler’s buddy yet, although perhaps now leaning that direction.
But there was also a group of influential Austrians who liked Nazism and wanted to join Germany. Frustrated by lack of cooperation from others, this group launched a powerful but ultimately unsuccessful revolt against the established government in 1934, their intention being to oust that government and put a Nazi one in its place. The revolt failed and many of the leaders fled to Germany where they would continue to plan for a unification of the two countries.
For the next few years there was agitation in Austria for a closer relationship with Germany. The government, though fairly right wing, refused to go as far as the Austrian Nazis wanted them to. Mussolini gave up his liking for Austrian independence and decided he was firmly on the side of Hitler. And in early 1938 Hitler prevailed upon Austrian Chancellor Schuschnigg to make some internal changes which would give pro-Nazi Austrians positions of more power. Schuschnigg agreed, but then took steps to solidify his support among anti Nazi-Groups ranging from communists to monarchists. Then he called for a referendum on the issue of unification with Germany.
Hitler was seriously disturbed by this and bullied Schuschnigg into resigning. I have found it difficult to determine if the plebiscite was still to go on or not. But the date was already set for the referendum vote and the day before German troops marched into Austria. There there was virtually no resistance to them and many Austrians welcomed them as heroes. A plebiscite quickly confirmed this with the Nazi takeover geting, to no one’s surpise, well over 90% approval.
After this Austria was essentially part of Germany. Google “Map of Europe, 1938” and you will get several choices. Nearly all of them will show an expanded Germany, perhaps with the word “Austria” appearing just below western Czechoslovakia. But there are no borders indicating it is anything separate. It was hitched to Hitler’s Germany now and would remain so until the end of the war.
So, in each of these cases what, if anything, may we learn? Are there any lessons for the world today?
In the case of B-H we have a powerful though possibly slightly declining nation asserting the practical control it had had for decades. Now it is established as law and, formally, part of the European system of states. The main thing that happens here is that mostly other nations get hurt feelings or fury or both. Particularly Russia and Serbia are resentful of what they must see as a Germanic nation’s interference in their Slavic adventure plans.
The effect on the subsequent slide into European chaos and war over the next half dozen years, is difficult to trace exactly and the status of this action as a “cause” of the war is somewhat questionable. But there is no question that it de-stabilized the Balkan Peninsula and perhaps hardened already existing suspicions between peoples. And it is arguable that it played a role in the two chaotic “Balkan Wars” which occurred shortly before the outbreak of WWI and were themselves anything but a stabilizing factor.
In the case of the Japanese establishment of Manchukuo there was an action that at least has a resemblance to the usual understanding of annexation. The Japanese assertion of military control was fairly quick and once finished, appears to have been quite thorough. The use of the deposed Chinese Emperor fooled more or less no one. What the Japanese were doing was obvious.
The Japanese gained, as previously noted, some valuable resources and maybe also an unfortunate feeling of self-confidence. They(along with Hitler and Mussolini)may have gotten the idea the Western democracies would accede to their demands. They were wrong, but did not figure this out until it was too late. There was some dissention in the Japanese cabinet in 1941 over whether to attack the US. Enough of the important men there apparently felt the US would be found unable and/or unwilling to respond. There were other reasons for this feeling, of course, some of the coming from far away, but this initial strike at China in 1931 may be been as significant consideration.
In the case of the Anschluss, the issues are rather simpler and clearer that in the first 2 instances. Austria and Germany shared a lot of common history, culture, etc. They were natural allies. But a majority of Austrians, perhaps fairly sizeable at first, had enough doubts about Hitler and his leadership to be suspicious of outright alliance or unification of the two countries.
After the failure of the 1934 revolt to install a Nazi government, the Austrian Nazis continued to work with the Germans to bring about Hitler’s eventual victory. This came in 1938 over the opposition of Chancellor Schuschnigg but after an apparent shift in popular opinion which made the Germans welcome to many Austrian citizens. While Austria would likely have been attached to Germany one way or the other in any event, this accomplished the task at a convenient time for the Germans, with Hitler’s designs on Czechoslovakia about the come to the fore , thus arranging European politics for the Munich agreements to follow.
So, how does this compare with the current situation regarding Putin, the Ukraine and his “annexing” of four Eastern Ukrainian provinces? In what ways do we see similarities? In what ways are there differences? What, if anything, is to be exected now?
The first thing to grasp is that doing this thoroughly in a blog or a column is impossible. It would take at least a long magazine length article, maybe a book, which I doubt you want to read and which I am not about to write. What I am going to do(I hope)is skim some history off of a very complicated situation and then, given our other knowledge and common sense, do some speculation. If you want to pursue the details try Wikipedia, which has what appear to be pretty good introductions to both Crimea and Ukraine, and check out The Economist’s article on Ukraine(and online). The Economist is about my favorite source of political-economic(sometimes other too)information.
First, let’s acknowledge that both Crimea and Ukraine have long and extremely complicated histories., Over the past 1-2 centuries this has included their history with Russia which has dominated if not ruled outright both of them most of the time. At one point in the 1950’s Stalin transferred Crimea from the Russian Soviet Republic to the Ukrainian Soviet Republic. This would be sort of like transferring the Michigan UP to Wisconsin(which would be unconstitutional, incidentally)–Crimea was still part of the USSR but now administered by the Ukrainian part of the country.
Stalin, of course, had no idea of the Soviet Union collapsing. This is exactly what happened, however, about 4 decades later. As you no doubt know nearly all of the non-Russian “Republics” became independent nations thus creating problems for Geography teachers and students and huge opportunities for map makers. These included Ukraine which established itself as independent in 1991 and, thanks to Stalin’s no doubt unintentional largess, took Crimea with it.
About the first two decades or so of this new arrangement are rife with difficulties and quarrelling in Ukraine. This is a minefield of opinions and issues where I do not wish to fall into taking you with me. Suffice it to say the country was divided, mainly along Russian-speaking and pro-Russian people on one side(largely in the east) and Ukrainian-speaking, anti Russian people on the other(largely in the west). It’s not that simple, however, and involves some Byzantine-type politics and quarrels which we will leave alone. The main thing to remember, is that in 2013-2014, things changed when Ukrainian politics got even nastier(it appears one presidential candidate poisoned the other one)and Russia intervened more directly. They(Moscow)announced they were annexing Crimea and sent some troops there. They still claim it which is likely to be a difficult part of any possible peace talks
The West(like Ukraine)was faced with a conundrum. There appeared to be no way of getting the Russians out, so the only choices were to accept this, at least without an out and out fight, or to risk World War III. This confounded a lot of Western leaders. President Obama decided it wasn’t worth the risk and did not take the chances which would have accompanied sending troops or threatening Russia by moving US forces in the areas closer. This may have been a mistake but I suspect most of Europe was relieved as most of them were relieved by the Munich agreement of 1938. Obama did remind European leaders of something they already knew–there was a definite threat coming to European gas supplies if the Russians turned out and out hostile. While I question the Obama Administration’s actions here, it was a very difficult situation, and it should be kept in mind that since Ukraine was not a NATO country(still isn’t) the US was not failing to live up to a treaty obligation.
Meanwhile, on the ground something approaching a civil war started. It wasn’t usually called that, but that was what it was. In Eastern Ukraine, pro-Russians armed themselves and made some moves toward independence. They were assisted by Russian troops not wearing insignia that identified them as such. So Russia was fighting to expand into Ukraine but didn’t want to admit it publicly.
Soon fighting broke out between these Eastern Ukrainian units and their Russia allies on one hand, and the Ukrainian Army on the other. As the decade passed the west began to supply limited support in the form of weapons to Ukraine, and moved some of its European based military forces into positions to possibly defend Ukraine. They were admirably careful not to spark a direct conflict with the Russian troops. This was a sort of “mission creep” in which the west got close and closer to Ukraine but still had not made a significant commitment of any kind.
This changed as the new decade began and Russia got more aggressive. In 2021 Putin began moving more troops towards Ukraine and appeared to be getting ready for an out-and-out invasion. This would unmask(if it needed any unmasking)the Russian attitude in East Ukraine but since nearly everybody interested knew there were Russian troops there anyway it was not going to be a large surprise. Western Intelligence services began announcing what was going on and the West made clear its support for Ukraine though it(wisely)offered no hard and fast military commitment.
By January, 2022 it was clear to anyone who cared to watch TV news or listen to radio reports that war was likely. While Putin continued to deny invasion was his intent, western intelligence units rated the chance of a invasion of Ukraine as overwhelming and predicted with a fair degree of accuracy the timing. When Putin’s forces struck in late February almost no one was surprised.
What was surprising, however, was the resistance of the Ukrainians. Instead of folding they fought back and NATO countries began to send large numbers of weapons and a lot of money. Putin, having expected a victory in a few weeks or less was set back on his haunches. In subsequent months the Russians achieved some advances, then lost them as the Ukrainians pursued successful counter-attacks. The back-and-forth has mostly continued, but the situation seems to have settled into being one in which the Russians maintain air superiority with missiles, drones, and planes, and the Ukrainians, through the resilience of their army and a lot of Western support and supplies, hold their own on the ground.
In late September, apparently growing desperate, Putin announced the “annexation” of Luhansk, Donestsk, Kherson and Zaporizhzhia. These are all provinces of Ukraine, occasionally known as “oblasts.” This Russian word(oblast)appears to have no translation into other languages and has historically been used to mean, more or less, “province.” Incidentally, Luhansk and Donetsk together comprise “Donbas,” which as nearly as I am able to tell is just a name for part of eastern Ukraine. (“Oblast” appeared on “Jeopardy” a couple of nights ago, although I do not remember in what context)
It appears that the Russians did not have complete control of any of these as they held referendums in each one and then announced the annexation. To no one’s surprise, the vote was heavily in favor of joining Russia in all cases although the reliability of the figures is, to put it mildly, questionable. The Russian grip on these areas seems not to be as strong as they would like it to be so the “annexations” may turn out to be in-name-only or -on-paper-only. But theoretically, at least according to Russia, the four oblasts are now part of Russia rather than Ukraine.
For awhile it appeared that Russian land forces were making something of a comeback but that apparently has ceased. The situation in Eastern Ukraine appears to be quickly changing and difficult to verify. There is a very confusing situation with the supremely important nuclear facility in Zaporizhia which seems to be still run by Ukrainian technicians while Russia claims the territory. This makes no sense, but there it is. Meanwhile, the battle for Bakhmut continues.
The significance of this is two-fold(at least). If you believe this really has happened, that Russia has really taken back this land ,then Putin may be able to claim a small victory, but not one he would have bragged about planning very much. Even as claimed by Russia, it would be snatching a small victory from the still grinning jaws of a large defeat. More seriously, it would mean that according to Putin’s theory, an attack on any of these four oblasts would now be not just part of a Ukrainian civil war or defense against a Russian invasion of Ukraine. It would be an attack on “Mother Russia,” and, in Putin’s mind, perhaps, justify the use of whatever he thought necessary to use as defense. This is what I hope keeps leaders awake at night in Washington, Moscow, Kyiv and a lot of other places. The more insomnia this induces, the better the chances they will find a way out.
A way out, an “off ramp” for Putin is definitely needed. Common sense and history largely agree here. If we look at the three cases of annexation with which I began, we may note the following–In case of the Austro-Hungarian annexation of Bosnia-Herzegovina, there is not a direct line from the incident to conflict. But it provided bad feelings, instability and more violence in an area already full of these things. It is arguable the this Russian attempt to “annex” the four Ukrainian provinces will have a similar effect, leaving behind a large amount of hostility and disappointment, and making negotiation success more difficult.
In the cases of Manchuria being annexed by Japan, and the Anschluss of Germany and Austria, the case is, to some extent, rather plain. Both times the aggressive powers were allowed to proceed. In both cases, but more clearly in the Anschluss case, war started by aggressive dictators was the result.
The Japanese became bolder and 5 years after “annexing” Manchuria, invaded China’s East coast, thus beginning a war that would become part of WWII and last about 8 years(It temporarily drove the Chinese Communists and the Nationalists together for resistance to Japan. That cooperation ended a long time ago as the current situation regarding Taiwan would attest.)
In the case of the Anschluss it’s more obvious. After finding that his combination of bullying words and marching troops had worked again in Austria, the emboldened Hitler went on to threaten Czechoslovakia. This set up the Munich Conference and the agreement that many thought had prevented another world war. It didn’t.
The “message” from all of this for leaders today is, I dislike to admit, a mixed one. On the one hand it is still never a good thing to give into a dictator trying any kind of diplomatic blackmail. It usually whets their appetite.
But our adversary is different from Tojo, Mussolini or Hitler in that he has a power they did not. He has the power to unleash forces that might destroy not just physical structures and millions of lives in many countries, but the basis of civilization itself. Other than those weapons he appears to be stalemated for at least a long present time and perhaps permanently. He seems unable to win on the ground regardless of how many young Russian lives he throws into the greedy maw of wartime Ukraine and the unfailingly steadfast Ukrainian army. But the other threat casts a shadow over everything else. The drones are a powerful weapon for Russia because they can cause mayhem in Ukrainian cities no matter how degraded the army is. But there is some thought that Russia has only a few left and apparently there could be trouble obtaining more of them. thought Iran reportedly is helping them. They(the Russians)now seem to be relying upon cooperation from Iran and maybe North Korea to keep them in weapons, and China might join in. The very recent visit of the Chinese President is a bad sign from the Ukrainian/Western point of view, but the results are not clear yet. There are, thankfully, now some indications that Putin got only part of what he wanted.
So Putin may acquire the means, mainly in drones and airplanes, of winning the war in a “conventional” manner., But he may not and eventually, sooner or later run out of options except for trying to get out of this mess with some dignity and face-saving. Or, he could be considering his “ultimate” weapons, germ warfare, chemical warfare and tactical nuclear weapons. The use of any of these, especially the last named, is too much to think about. But our leaders need to do so–“our” meaning not just in Washington but in all of the nations involved, directly or indirectly, in this.
Assuming that Putin is not disturbed enough to seriously consider the ultimate weapons,(or can be dissuaded from it) what other choices has he? No really good ones, from the Russian point of view, or at least none that the West and Ukraine would accept. A “status quo ante bellum” deal would not likely work for Putin. It would mean that Russia had gone through all of this for no gain at all. But to give him the four provinces he claims to have annexed would likely be vetoed by the Ukrainians. They might well(not without reason)regard this as rewarding aggression by giving the aggressor at least part of what he wanted.
Of course, Russia has taken some serious hits here and parts of Russian society seem to be in a nasty, rebellious mood, although morale is, unfortunately, higher than one might think. Still, Putin may have to take into account all the people who have had personal family losses and who may not want a “surrender;” but then the are also those who hate the way everything is going and whose young men have fled the country and may be resistant to any policy which does not seem to be moving toward peace.
The lessons of WWI and WWII which I cited above are not encouraging as they suggest that giving into an aggressor simply means he will keep going. But the ultimate weapon issue somewhat trumps this. What if Germany had developed nuclear weapons and the V-1 and V-2 rockets which terrorized the UK late in the war had had nuclear warheads?
There is no obvious, perhaps no really believable way out of this. My own opinion is that if Putin is minimally sane he won’t go for broke on this. There would be no use in ruling a Europe poisoned by nukes. There is no glory in being them emperor of dystopia. I think that the best we can hope for is that the West already has made clear to him(and continues to do so)that any use of these weapons will result in overwhelming retaliation and will eliminate any chance of his ever being a Russian “hero,” let along a European or a world one.
At this point I Ieave the matter to rest, at least for now. Please share any thoughts regarding this at jnjcfloh@webtv.net
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Israel–our troubled ally–the menace and opportunity
I have to start this out by mentioning “populism,” a word I am getting to despise. I hate hearing it because what is called populism today is not well defined and it can mean too many different things or at least refer to too many shades of opinion. But I’ll mostly put that off for now because I want to address Israel and its problems. Populism is a part of it, so we’ll start there.
Since it achieved independence in 1949, Israel has been our number one Mideastern ally and we have been just about its only really reliable ally anywhere. This has not yet changed but changes could be imminent for a couple of reasons.
There has been considerable change in Israeli opinions and politics over the last decade or so and it is sometimes described as “populism.” As many have noted this seems to be close to a worldwide movement, seen in places as diverse and distant from each other as Hungary, India, and Brazil. Not to be too cynical, I hope, it frequently seems to be related to a strong leader trying to be stronger by exploiting some of the worst sides of human nature, particularly hatred of foreigners and strangers and anyone different. This of course, is not new–it has been practiced by some leaders through most of history and particularly was exploited by fascist dictatorships of the earlier 20th century.
Now “populism”(and I’m going to stop using the quotation marks) has showed up in Israel. For a long time, Israel was considered the most advanced country in the Mideast, particularly in technological and economic issues, but also in (and possible being connected to) politics. It was the truest democracy in the region, sometimes about the only country there that could claim to be really democratic.
Israel is still a true democracy, by which I mean it has universal suffrage and a citizen’s vote actually counts for something. It has a slew of parties, coalitions, etc, the number and complexity of which is too much for a thorough explanation here. Suffice it to say that there are a lot of different opinions and with almost no exceptions those opinions have all been welcomed or at least tolerated by the society,
Israeli politics has always been divided in several ways, the most obvious split being between the religious and secularist parties. Its overall politics have been I would say, slightly to the left of the American track, but by no means a break with it. Particularly, it appears to me, that there have been three different overall opinions covering several different parties and coalitions. The majority opinion, or at least the leading one, has been mild and moderate liberalism or even socialism (mostly of a moderate type) and Israeli socialists had some success for the first generation or so. They largely respected ownership rights and freedom of expression enough not to scare off a few more conservative supporters or to offend the US. Israeli socialists, have been moderate enough, in fact, to irritate some of the world’s leading socialist parties and there have often been quarrels, sometimes with Israeli socialists asked not to attend worldwide socialist gatherings.
To the best of my knowledge most of the secularist parties have taken a serious view of the citizen’s right to religious opinions and have not worried much about it; perhaps many of them have not been that interested in religious-secularist issues. On the right, there have been some differences. Some parties are called Orthodox, others rightist.
The Orthodox parties are dedicated to the Orthodox view of Judaism and there appear to be several of them supporting Orthodoxy as a serious part of Israeli life with varying degrees of conviction. Their interests seem to be mostly religious and some of them appear not that interested in politics as such unless it involves religious matters. But like many Evangelicals in the US, they have been inclined to support rightist candidates, religious or not, regardless of whether they agree on all religious matters. It does appear that the more conservative the Orthodoxy the more religious they wish the party’s intentions to be. The rightist parties seem to be semi-secularist in some cases, but with a strong devotion to national defense and security and a tolerance for Orthodox parties even if they(the conservative leaders) are not believers themselves. Several coalitions have been made up of two or more groups from these two conservative strains.
By the way, it would be well to add that the Israeli government is officially non-sectarian in religion, but the state has always been overwhelmingly Jewish as was intended. I am reminded of a colleague of mine who once told me that being Jewish did not mean sharing religious beliefs. “It’s like belonging to a family,” he said. This is well kept in mind in this case, I think.
Now these differences have always led to some quarrels and the occasional gridlock in Israeli politics. But in the past decade or so the differences seem to have become more extreme and disagreements more bitter. The split between the rightist and vaguely leftist or liberal branch of Israeli politics has often been debated and usually the left had a slight plurality, but not a heavy one. In recent years this seems to have gone the opposite direction It’s still a very close call but the center of power seems to have shifted slightly into the conservative groupings.
This shift, and the increasing anger and bitterness have changed Israeli politics, seemingly making it more vicious, nastier and more vengeful. In other words, it has made just about the same changes as the American system has and at about the same times–to some extent even for very similar reasons. Also, for the first time, the attitude toward the US has gotten to be a part of the political discourse. This all has made Israeli society a slightly less stable place than it was. Don’t get me wrong, now, I think it’s still very stable, but some of the stability has shifted a bit. And more extreme opinions on both sides have appeared which make compromise, always difficult, harder than ever.
As a result, at least in part, of these Israel, from 2015-2022 had five different governments. No one could develop a solid majority not even with the wheeling and dealing involved in building coalitions. At the same time, the primary figure in Israeli politics for the last generation, Benyamin Netanyahu was, presumably unintentionally, imitating the behavior of his apparent favorite US President, by being involved in political fights and corruption charges at the same time. This seems to have worked to bring a further destabilizing effect on the nation’s once orderly political system.
Israel’s Knesset(legislature)has 120 seats and uses proportional representation. At the beginning in 1949 a party had to get only 1% of the total vote to be allowed a place in the Knesset. This has been raised several times, but still is only 3.5%. As a result, there are 12 parties represented in the current Knesset, the leading one being Netanyahu’s Likud party, a rightist conservative party with many Orthodox members and many Orthodox allies, which controls just over 1/4 or the assembly–32 seats.
This means that they have to go to extremes and extremists to get a majoirty(61)and form a government. This has proved more or less impossible without going further right than Likud has usually done in the past. This had led them to make alliances with some radically conservative people including at least two leaders whose public pronouncements suggest an almost total refusal to deal with Palestinians or make any concessions or even to discuss seriously the West Bank Issue.
Now, regarding the West Bank–I am not going to give a history of it now, but suffice it to say that this area, on or near the West Bank of the Jordan River, was not part of the original(1949)Israel. It was taken(including the city of Jerusalem)by the Israelis in the 6-Day War of 1967. Since then there have been many changes and many outbreaks of violence. The Palestinian Authority has control of some of the local government functions in some areas, but Israel still asserts suzerainty over all of it and usually has the power to enforce its will.
This has led to some truly nasty confrontations and to ongoing threats of terrorism by the more radical Palestinian Arabs. At the same time, Israeli rightists have hardened their viewpoints and become more and more reluctant to deal with any kind of negotiations. The Israeli military and intelligence services appear to have a more balanced view, regarding the far right opinion with, I would say, somewhat the same disdain I thought the senior officer corps of the US services had for the Trump administration.
The big issue on the West Bank is something usually called the Two State solution. This is the idea of cutting loose much of this territory and allowing the Arabs who are a clear majority there, to run their own government of their own nation. This would involve Israel giving up some land that some would consider critical from a security point of view–also, some of the Orthodox, many of whom insist on a literal interpretation of the Bible, claim the land involved was given to Jews by God and cannot be given back. Obviously, just considering Israeli politics, there is a large problem to be solved here.
The advantage for Israel(and maybe the rest of the world)would be that this ought to reduce the chances of an all-out, all-Mideast war. perhaps directed mostly at them. The Arabs would have their own state and could not claim that Israeli oppression is at any given time an issue, though they might claim, not without some justice, that it created a situation , over many years, whose problems remain. But at least, there would be less chance of direct confrontation between Palestinians in the street with Molotov cocktails and the Israeli army and local police..
The second serious option(although there are some others)is the one state solution. The title pretty much says it–Israel remains one nation with a large Arab population who usually have had and presumably would continue to have, full political rights.
Israeli political opinion is all over the place on this. There are, as noted, some solutions other than 1-state or 2-state,. some trying to combine the two, sort of, and some more, well, imaginative. I am not going into any of these. But I will note that the straight out 1-state and 2-state solutions, with few if any complications, are the most popular. But polls show the 1 state solution gets only about 20% of the public, the 2-state a bit over 30%.
I personally favor the 2 state solution and have trouble understanding why most Israelis fail to support it. It would give up some land, certainly, but in return Israel remains a solidly Jewish state and the headaches of the West Bank would be largely left to the Arabs, particularly the Palestinians. The one state solution would keep the land and all the people and would also keep some of the problems plus adding what looks to be a big one.
Because Israel is a true democracy(the votes really mean something), and because the Palestinian birth rate is higher than the Israelis, a few decades down the line Israel would have an Arab majority and nearly all of them would be Muslims. Israel would cease to be a Jewish state. At present this question may be being ignored as Israelis worry about PM Netanyahu’s possible legal troubles and, particularly now, his attempt to change the law so that a 1-vote majority in the Knesset could over-rule the Israeli Supreme Court.
This all may create serious issues for the Biden Administration. We are, as noted, Israel’s oldest more or less permanent ally. We have nearly always stood together in international disputes. The Netanyahu government, however, has pursued policies far enough to the right that it has aleinated a fairly sizeable amount of American Jewish opinion, which tends to be liberal, though to a lesser extent that a generation or two ago.
In addition, for the first time Israel shows signs of something like political instability, though as noted above it’s still one of the more stable democracies in the Mideast. But this has got to be a worry to the Administration, particularly when it is trying to sort out the other big Middle East issue, SA and Iran, as mentioned in my very recent posting. And there is always the question of how much could the US do? After all, it’s not a situation to be handled just by more money or more flattery from Washington. But it does present another situation in which the US foreign policy people have to take an interest.
And what if the unrest/instability in Israel should get worse? I don’t anticipate this, but it’s not impossible. This would possibly tempt Israel’s hostile near neighbors, the anti-Israel party in Lebanon and the violently anti-Semitic Hamas rulers of the Gaza to make trouble as much as possible. This is precedented, it has happened before.
For Biden, Blinken and the rest of the US foreign policy team this all contains more than one threat and at least one opportunity which I can imagine. If Israel actually begins to look seriously like abandoning real democracy for populism, the US will still have to remain an ally. For reasons both strategic and moral we could not do otherwise. But the warmth of the relationship, already cooling, will drop even further and so will the willingness to take chances for each other. This could have serious consequences in the Mideast, Ukraine and elsewhere, particularly the Far East if trouble should erupt there.
If the two sides(or however many there are)in the Israeil court-power dispute deadlock and this become a peaceful version of a stalemated war, the issues might be similar. Certainly it would be less easy for the US to count on quick cooperation from the Israelis. If the Netanyahu side wins the struggle and actually reduces the Supreme Court there could be real trouble. Imagine, for example, if the US Supreme Court could be reversed by one vote in one(or even both)Houses of Congress.
This might have serious impact upon individual rights which have always been one of Israel’s best points, and the first people to feel this effect would likely be Israeli Arabs, particularly Palestinians. This possibly could be regarded as an invitation by a hostile Arab power to intervene, particularly with Israel’s heretofore unshakeable national unity on the line, and I leave to your imagination what could result. Most Arab states have enough issues of their own to make this seem unlikely right now, but the possibility should not be dismissed.
One big opportunity occurs to me. If cooler heads prevail in Israel, and if there could be some kind of civilized negotiations with the Palestinians, some good could result. Times of crisis can sometimes be times of good change.. As I recall JFK was fond of pointing out that there are two Chinese words meaning “crisis.” One should be translated as “threat” and one as “opportunity.” If the US and other nations and people of good will could intervene at the right time, without dictatorial behavior, but with just enough pressure, maybe–maybe–both sides could be made to settle down and work seriously on the Palestinian issue, an issue which cares a serious threat for the Israeli future and the world’s. Maybe their own flirtation with disorder and disunity would be a motivation.
The situation does not look particularly hopeful at present. But perhaps a chance will be found to turn this apparent crisis to at least one advantage, one that may effect favorably the whole Middle East and the whole world.
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Foreign Policy conundrums
It must seem to the President that every time he gets one thing settled and back to “normal”(whatever that would be in the White House)another crisis appears. Of course, that has likely been the case for every President since Teddy Roosevelt or maybe since George Washington. But Joe Biden has put great effort into dealing with the economy and other domestic/”political” issues lately only to have new crises appear abroad, some predictable, some not.
We may, for now anyway, dismiss the balloon issue. Biden obviously did right with the first one, ordering it eliminated after it was out of American air space or at least in a location where it was very unlikely to threaten people or property in the US. The next three will likely never be explained and perhaps need not be. They appear to have been of very low level threat status if of any at all.
But other, more serious things are bubbling out there when it comes to national security/foreign policy. As he deals with the banking issue, he also has had, suddenly and unpredictably, a very potentially serious matter with the Russians over a drone they harassed(if you can harass an unmanned vehicle, anyway) and which was later downed, apparently by the US and is now missing.
But there were at least three possible serious foreign policy issues to deal with before that and as you have likely guessed I am going to comment on them and what they mean or may portend. The issues involved are the apparent rapprochement between Saudi Arabia and Iran, the current political mess in Israel and the looming possibility of some kind of conflict, possibly military, bewteen the US and China over Taiwan. There are some connections here.
The Iran-Saudi deal seems to have taken a number of peope by surprise, ranging, perhaps, from the supreme knowledge of British Intelligence to the lofty analysts of CNN. I’m guessing, of course, at these two, I just picked two of the more reliable of information gathering agencies in the world. But it appears almost no one “saw this coming,”
Though both Saudi Arabia(SA) and Iran are Moslem states and both growing economic and military powers, they are quite different. They represent almost, if not quite, the only significant groups within Islam. The Sunnis are represented by SA and the shiites by Iran. Historically(and this quarrel began about 1500 years ago, or three times as long ago as the Christian Reformation)Sunnis have dominated, representing about 85% of the Moslems in the world and the Sh’ites about 15%. The basic beliefs are largely the same, but the Shi’ites have usually exhibited more of what seem to Jews and Christians the more bizarre elements of the faith.
There was a time when I thought–and, I confess, occasionally told students–that the Shi’ite were slightly the more fanatical of the two. But the rise to dominance of Al Queda and ISIS, both Sunni organizations, changed my mind on that. Both sides have some passably reasonable leaders. Both sides have some fanatics. Neither is palatable to all of the Western and/or Judeo-Christian view of the world, but deal with them we must if there is to be peace of any reasonable kind.
But now we have the SA-Iran bromance brewing and, being an ex-history teacher, I quickly looked for historical precedents. There is one, an easy one to find for anyone familiar with 20th century Europe. That would be the notorious Hitler-Stalin Pact of 1939. Nazism and Communism were both totalitarian forms of government and were remarkably similar in learning to crush dissent and oppress dissenters. But they were, in theory at least, deadly enemies. Communism was a form of Marxism which I think would have been nearly unrecognizable to Karl Marx.
But they at least used his attacks on capitalism and on religion, which he saw as a support for it, as their starting point. Since Marxism was traceable to 1848 and the “Communist Manifesto” they were working with something nearly a century out of date, but that did not matter to Lenin, Trotsky and Stalin who went their own way, proclaiming themselves the inheritors of Marx, while establishing a police state based upon the writings of the man who predicted that after the “revolution” the state would “wither away.”
They also pushed Marx’s philosophical materialism. That is, they recognized no reality other than what could be seen, touched or heard, things that could be seen in everyday life by most people or that could be established by a scientific laboratory. Anything else such as speculation, faith, curiosity, or an interest in the possibility of a non-material reality was forbidden and dismissed as stupid and impossible. The fascists, Nazis included, knew perfectly well that the first thing they needed to do was to provide jobs and economic security. But they also realized that most people desire something beyond mere material comfort and they provided it with a bizarre form of emotional patriotism and racism. Emphasizing the emotional as much as the material, they exploited Romanticism in its most debauched form and married it to totalitarian efficiency. This worked for-well, awhile.
The hatred between the two was often quite real and for years through the 30’s it seems likely that some of the more fanatical on each side wished for a war. But in 1939 Hitler wanted to invade Western Europe and not have to worry about Stalin and the Russians hitting him from behind, thereby thrusting on him a two front war. At the same time, Stalin likely wouldn’t have done this for awhile because of weaknesses in the Red Army, mostly caused by his “purges” of a few years earlier. Stalin wanted some time to get his military back to full strength. So each side had a motive for wanting “peace” of a sort with the other for at least a short time. When they agreed to the pact in August, 1939 many believed it was bound to be violated sooner or later. They were right. It lasted until 1941 when it no long suited Hitler’s purpose.
SA and Iran similarly have been enemies for years, more than a decade and one might argue a good deal more. Part of this is caused by the above mentioned religious differences, the Sunni-Shi’ite thing. But there is also this–when it comes to economic power, military power and, well, power in general these two are serious rivals and one could see them as being on a collision course. The are the two leading military and economic powers of southwest Asia and each is determined to be number one. Neither one is willing to give a whole lot, though apparently more now than, oh, say, a few weeks ago.
There is a very good Reuters story on this you can find on line dated today, Mar 16. According to Reuters, this deal is more an agreement not to make war than it is a lot of specifics. China is said to have been chosen to help broker the deal(which they did–in China)as Iran mistrusts the US. One could argue that Iran has good reason to mistrust the US and the US has even better reasons to mistrust them, but the idea makes sense for these negotiations.
Reuters stated that an Iranian official, not identified, said the subjects covered by the talks included security, economic and political issues. This is not really big news(what else would they start with?)but it does indicate on each side there are people are willing to deal seriously or at least wish to be taken for doing so.
It appears that both nations intend to work for Persian Gulf Security and a guaranteed oil flow, which might have good results for the West, as well as helping their own economies. Each country is pledging, though apparently not on paper yet, that neither will be a source of insecurity for the other. One Iranian indicated that future difficulties between the two would be handled in what he described as a “controlled” manner.
The US is in a delicate diplomatic position here. Iran is an implacable foe of nearly a half century standing. SA is a difficult and sometimes embarrassing ally. China is likely going to replace Russia someday, after Ukraine, as our main antagonist. Seeing China intervene in Africa(which she has been doing) and now southwest Asia/Middle East is not comforting. Nonetheless the US has been muted so far in its response to the Chinese/Iran/SA confab and perhaps this is the right response. For one thing, we have enough on our plate right now without getting involved directly in this issue. For another, it doesn’t do for a Great power to dither in public, which is about all we could do considering the combination of foreign and domestic issues before us. It may be best to maintain a discreet silence, at least for the present. But there is potential trouble as well as some hope in this and the President and the Secretary of State will have to listen carefully and tread carefully if they’re not to create more problems than they solve. And remember, folks, what happened to that 1941 agreement. We hope, for the good of the world and the Mideast, that this agreement has good results, not just hopeful promises. But it could go the way of the USSR-Nazi agreement, too.
I still want to deal with the Israeli political situation and the Chinese, the US and Taiwan, but not right now–like Sec Blinken we have enough on our plates for tthe moment. I’ll try to be back soon with the rest.
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The Ghosts of Movies Past–An Elegiac Wrapped in an Elegiac–“The Man Who Shot Liberty Valence”
I thought I knew what “elegiac” meant, but nonetheless looked it up before settling on my title. Roughly speaking, it means a poem or song about the past; more loosely interpreted it could be a story, a novel, etc–or a movie. It usually , literally or by implication, bids farewell to someone or something and there is usually a feeling of melancholy and regret about it. “The Man Who Shot Liberty Valance”(TMWSLV or just LV) fits the bill quite nicely.
I had, of course, seen LV years ago–how many times I do not know for it played in a theatre where I worked most of the time from the end of my junior year of high school until I graduated from college. TCM recently presented it and I took advantage of their good choice. It is not just a good movie, it is a very good one, verging on greatness. In fact, it is my no 3 on my list of Westerns after No 1, “Warlock,” and No 2 “The Searchers”–“Searchers,” incidentally, like LV, was directed by John Ford.
By watching this movie you get two elegiacs and if you’re as affected by good ones as I am you get more opportunities to shed a heartfelt tear or two. First of all, set about a decade into the 20th century, the story itself is an elegiac to the 19th century west, the old Wild West we know from movies and the real one which was somewhat different from the Hollywood version, but perhaps not so much so as to make Hollywood a total liar.
The movie is set in an unspecified state somewhere in or near the Rockies and with a lot of grazing land. Wyoming and Colorado both jump to mind, but it’s not really that important. Travel is still mostly by buckboard and the small town still looks much like the old west. But from the conversations and attitudes of the characters it is clear a new era has began. The characters may not be entirely aware of this, but somewhere in the backs of their minds they know it. And it is brought out in their daily lives as they go about the business of accommodating a new century and its ways, perhaps sometimes without realizing it. And although they don’t make a big point of it, the old ways still linger in habits and attitudes and will for another generation or two. Of course a world war, a depression and another world war might speed up things a bit.
But the old ways are passing and as a symbol of this we have an elegant and aging couple, Sen Ransom Stoddard(James Stewart) and his wife, Hallie(lovely Vera Miles who broke my heart many times in my teens and early 20’s). They have come back to Shinbone not for political reasons, but on a private mission of love and regret. Their old friend Tom Doniphon has just died and they are there to honor him and perhaps revive a memory or two. But they are well dressed and a bit Eastern now in their manners and they clearly belong to a past that is fading. We will return to this narrative shortly.
So one elegiac is to the old West. The other is to the old west’s champion in the 20th century, Western Movies. The first more or less coherent American film we know of, “The Great Train Robbery”(1903?) is a Western and Westerns continued to be made from time to time But they picked up briskly in the 1930’s and over about the next generation they dominated, into the early 1960’s when they began to fade, though never quite fading away entirely, certainly not in the American collective subconscious. They continue there, perhaps being one of the causes of some of our political peculiarities of the past decade or so.
But LV reminds us of the way Westerns were once, when my generation was young and the makers of the Westerns were getting old. This was the classic era of the genre and it gave us “The Treasure of Sierra Madre” and “Duel in the Sun,” , “Ft Apache” and “Pursued” and “Red River.” A little later it had even better gifts–“High Noon” and “The Gunfighter,” and “Shane, ” and two I’ve already mentioned, my Nos 1 and 2, “Warlock” and “The Searchers.” There was no one plot–the plots varied to a fairly large extent. But the background or setting, geographical and, more importantly, psychological, was often the same.
There was The Hero, usually an out of towner or been-long away returnee or perhaps a community leader such as a rancher. But more often he was a loner and he usually started out defending the innocent or pursuing a bad guy or guys, frequently without a lot of support. Somewhere along the way The Girl would put in an appearance and their tangled romance would be the subplot or perhaps a part of the overall plot. (Jo An Fleet in “Gunfight at the OK Corral,” for example). Sometimes there was a competitor for her affections, often a tenderfoot who was no match for the Hero or a bad guy who was–well, no match for the Hero.
There was sporadic violence and threatening and eventually a violent climax, a group one(“The Big Country”) or more typically and one on one shootout in the street(“The Fastest Gun Alive”). All of these were subject to some changes and elaborations from time to time, but for twenty years or so the pattern pretty much held. I would not insult these really fairly noble films, nor their creators, by defining them as being of the “formula” variety, but it was impossible not to note the similarities. And the longer they went on the easier it was for the similarities to drift into cliches, though perhaps not so badly as you might expect. But perhaps the film makers thought they noticed a desire on the part of the public for something a little bit different And perhaps they were right.
The time was coming when the heroes would be less heroic and the situations more nuanced and less morally clear cut. The heroes would have feet–or at lest the occasional toe–of clay and the bad guys might have a certain elan to them. It was not the time of the “Spaghetti Western” yet when LV was released but it was only a few years off and by the end of the decade would be taking over the Western genre. And the Hero and the Girl and all the rest went with the old movies or at least were somewhat marginalized.
And I think this was anticipated, perhaps not extremely consciously, by both fans and film-makers, and that deep down they all realized an era was ending. The actors and the directors were sometimes still the same and the stories weren’t that different, but by the early 1960’s something was changing. In 1962 when LV was made the changes had not yet gone too far, but some people were noticing, both with TV and the movies. I remember a joke about adult Westerns being now the “good guys v the neurotic guys.” And there was some truth in this and while that truth was more in the planning stage than on the screen, enough of it was manifest to bring about a feeling of nostalgia on the part of fans–and apparently film makers too.
The movie business, like most businesses draws plans and it was perhaps noticeable to the Western movie professional that things were changing. new plans being made And it might have occurred to the great John Ford that his own time was passing and so was the time of the Western. And, while this is all speculation, maybe he decided to make one more of the old kind which would be a statement for himself and for the genre he loved. Hence, LV came to be.
The Good Guy was still there, only now there were two of them, Sen Stoddard and Tom Donophin (John Wayne). Vera Miles was the The Girl who in this case had two GG’s from which to choose. And there was certainly a bad guy, Liberty himself, worse than most and equal to about any in movie history.
The story unfolds with a few surprises but not enough to upset the genre–there is one really big one near the end, and no, I’m not going to reveal it. There’s too much of the serious mystery fan in me to do that. At the beginning, a stagecoach is approaching town and Liberty and his men strike. They are driven off, but one of the passengers, Ransom Stoddard, coming west to practice law, is badly beaten up. Tom shows up in time to help him and the others get to Shinbone, and there he meets meets Hallie who works in a local restaurant and who nurses him back to health.
Eventually Ransom becomes not only town lawyer, but also a teacher, coaching the residents(many of the immigrants, incidentally) on reading, writing and citizenship and urging them to support statehood for the Territory. While this goes on there are two main story lines. One is romantic, as both Ransom and Tom care for Hallie and she has feelings for both of them. The other is Liberty Valence who continues to terrify the town, but not quite going over the line to bringing down its total wrath on him. Meanwhile, the useless local Marshall(Andy Devine reprising himself)is-well, totally ineffective.
This eventually builds to a suspenseful confrontation and a rousing climax which I will leave for you to discover, along with the Big Twist. But I do have a couple of further comments on what happens along the way and how it happens. The whole movie is done with great skill and attention and with almost a tenderness toward the subject, which, if my fantasy is correct. Ford was aware of. And so he poured every talent and emotion into this film and gave us a number of memorable scenes, scenes that both thrill and deeply move you.
Early in the film, there is a scene where the Marshall takes Hallie out to Tom Doniphon’s old place, long since deserted and fallen into ruin. She is, understandably sad and reflective and the Marshall picks a flower she admires and presents it to her with a flourish or as close to that as he is able to get. Perhaps I’m reading too much into this scene, but it seems to me that we have a lot going on in this brief moment or two.
Hallie is remembering the past, the pain of more or less loving two men and now of knowing Tom is gone. The flower is a sign of comfort to her, her connection to the better part of the old days. The Marshall, who has never had a woman who dresses, acts or talks like Hallie is overwhelmed by her presence, and realizing his inability to do anything else for her, he offers her the flower, a poor gift, perhaps, but the only one he has.
In an early part of the flashback(which is the greater part of the movie) we get a scene of the stagecoach pulling into town with the injured Stoddard and other survivors of the robbery aboard. In a piece of odd timing which works perfectly Ford uses as background music the beautiful and moving “Genevieve, Oh Genevieve.” of which we hear a short instrumental version. Then it fades but a few notes pop in again among the regular sounds of the town. Then it is gone, like so many other things a part of the past. Whether this idea came from Ford’s conscious mind or from his instinct I don’t know, but one of them must have been at work–fortunately.
There is really almost nothing to criticize in this movie as a movie. I could, however(and I will)mention two things that today ring slightly hypocritical. While Rance Stoddard is teaching citizenship and government, he strongly plays up the fact that the people of Shinbone are for statehood, unlike the big ranchers who want to remain a Territory and keep out Federal interference which might make things better for the poorer farmers. At about the same time, one of his students, Tom’s employee, Pompey(Woody Strode) the only black character in the film, forgets the the “equal rights” statement in the preamble to the Constitution. “A lot of people forget that,” Ransom says. There is also the fact that Tom treats Pompey not perhaps as an equal , but at least close to it and better than many others do.
All of this is nice to see and a credit to John Ford. I cannot help reflecting, though, that even when the movie was made and certainly in their later years, both Stewart and Wayne were not shy about making their political opinions obvious. They were both strongly conservative but the conservatives of today would no doubt find their approach in this film to be unacceptable. For what it’s worth, I have to admire both Wayne and Stewart for their acting abilities and contributions to the art of the film, but I also think they were decent and honorable men. I would have disagreed with them on several matters of a political nature, but I would have respected them and their right to their opinions.
It is difficult to imagine how LV would have been accepted(or not)at Trump’s CPAC conference this past weekend. Certainly today’s Republican Party could use Wayne and Stewart or someone like them to bring them a sense of honor, decency, and honesty. Maybe there are some Republicans who will do that, but I don’t see many on the horizon.
In any event, whatever political comments may be appropriate now, the greater point here is the art of American movies, the contribution of Westerns to that art, and particularly the old type of Western which would fall out of favor in the 1960’s. It would be true to say that Westerns swept aside or under the rug many things wrong in our society, but what art form did not? And anyway, the greater point here is that this is a great Western, a great piece of film for those who like to learn about, or remember, the way things were. It is a valedictory to , our own past and the country’s past, and most of all the movies’ past, and valedictories have a way of remaining in mind after the cliches are gone.
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The Ghosts of Movies Past–Becket
Somehow, I don’t feel like doing more on politics right now, though I did have opinions of the State of the Union, and, as I sit here now, CNN is telling us about yet another object of some kind that showed up near Alaska and was dispatched by the Air Force. Well, maybe more on that later.
For now, I want to reflect on a great playwright, Jean Anouilh, and a great movie made from one of his plays, “Becket.” The title of the play was actually “Becket or the Honor of God,” a title that was likely thought too cumbersome for a movie.
If you know your history of Medieval England or of the Medieval Roman Catholic Church, then you likely know the basics of this story. Henry II was King of England in the mid-12th century and Becket was his cohort and one time companion in wenching and drinking and so on. But the power of the Church was crowding the King and he made his old friend Archbishop of Canterbury presuming that he would bring the Church into Henry’s camp. It was getting cantankerous and ambitious and was perceived by the King as a threat, a perception that may have been somewhat overdone but was not ridiculous.
Now, I’ll try to hold off the one-time-history-teacher desire to explain everything in detail, but I think I need to add a couple of things that a less history oriented reviewer most likely wouldn’t. The position of Archbishop of Canterbury today is one of the highest Protestant ecclesiastical positions in the world. He is the leader of the Anglican Communion, a world wide organization including of Church of England at home, the Episcopal Church in this country and other manifestations of Anglicanism around the world. This has been the case since Thomas Cranmer in the 16th century. Anglicans are found all around the world thanks to the British Empire.
But in Henry’s time, it was different. The Archbishop was merely( not a very mere merely)the leading Roman Catholic ecclesiastic in England. He was clearly a man of great power, but he was subordinate to the Pope, at least in theory and to some extent in fact. He could do a great deal on his own in a time when it might take weeks to get messages to and from the Pope and when the Pope had a lot of irons in the fire of European politics and diplomacy. But ultimately he was not all powerful and if push came to shove he would have to yield to the Papacy.
Henry was right, however, to consider the Archbishop a powerful man and a both a potentially useful ally, but also a possibly dangerous adversary. When the position of Archbishop was vacant Henry saw his chance. In view of the recent resistance of the English church leaders to his plan to increase royal power, why not get an Archbishop who would support the King? How about his old pal, Thomas Becket?
If you know your history of our Supreme Court you know that Presidents are never sure what an appointed justice will do once on the court. The same applies in other realms as well, and Henry encountered it here. Becket, surprised and somewhat dismayed by the offer, nonetheless decided to accept. It is possible that he thought he could maintain his friendship with Henry and maintain the Church at the same time. In any event, he took the job(his lack of background for it meant little at the time) and seems to have had a somewhat self-induced conversion experience as he did so.
This is portrayed in the movie by showing us Becket’s willingness(Beckett is excellently portrayed by Richard Burton) to give away many of his personal possessions as the takes up the new role. He doesn’t mind.”It’s all so easy,” he says. And here we get a look at both Becket’s character and at Anouilh’s talent and inclinations. As already stated he is my favorite playwright. He wrote many different kinds of plays but always(at least usually)stayed within the bounds of structure and story telling as learned from masters such as Giradoux and Pirandello. He rarely, if ever, wandered into the Theater of the Absurd of Ionesco and other near contemporaries.
I do not wish to decry the Theater of the Absurd, as I think it produced some good and insightful works, but I prefer , on the whole, plays that stay within what I think could be called existential reality. Anouilh did this. And he did it to write many types of plays; He could do tragedy and something like farce. He could do psychological studies and historical studies. He could combine these two which is pretty much what happened with “Becket.” His characters could be bleak or humorous, sometimes both. And the thing that always impressed me was that so often they could express, calmly, an acceptance of the world around them. Both cynical and tolerant outwardly, they frequently could remain quiet and detached-seeming as they felt their hearts break or watched their dreams disintegrate. They could also often reflect on past disappointment and pain with a shrug of regret, not outward roaring of defiance or anger, and with the tears unshed and the pain tamed, subdued and absorbed in a civilized and sophsiticated armor of despair.
It was perhaps his most remarkable talent, however, to connect with the past and bring it into the present. That is, he could take something old, say real history(“Becket”) or ancient theater(“Antigone”) and present the story with an awareness of modern psychological understanding. But he could do this without losing the thread of the story, that is, what really happened in history or what the ancient dramatist wrote. I suppose that his best known and most admired play is “The Lark,” about Joan of Arc which would be a good place to start reading him if you’re willing to dive into Anouilh at his most dramatic. But I re-watched “Becket” recently and that is the movie I feel compelled to write about.
There are a few other anomalies to note about “Becket.” Anouilh did not do the screenplay, though for all I know he may have had a hand in it. The screenplay was done by veteran Hollywood writer Edward Anhalt, a writer with a reputation for hating to write and having to be bullied or bribed into doing his job. But apparently he did the job well enough. “Becket” won him an Oscar for Best Screenplay Based on Another Source.
The Anhalt screenplay deviates a bit from Anouilh and from history in a few ways, mostly not too important. The long standing tension between the royal power maven, Henry and the Church was mostly concerned with the Church’s “right” to try criminal-behaving clerics in church courts(rather than the royal ones) where they could usually expect a lighter sentence. Anhalt’s script makes it more about an obscure Lord’s rebellion against the Church regarding the behavior of one of his vassals. Perhaps not really a big deal and it still gets the point of royal-ecclesiastical conflict, but way change it?
While Henry and Becket were no doubt friends before the appointment of the latter to Canterbury, there is some doubt they were as buddy-buddy as the movie would have them, and the chasing girls together thing may well be fiction. More on this actually interesting point later.
The historical accuracy of the film is, I would say above average, though not quite as astute historically as “The Lion in Winter,” PeterO’Toole’s later go-round as Henry II. But “Becket” is clearly the superior of two as a work of the art of the cinema.
One point of inaccuracy is the portrayal of Eleanor of Aquitaine, Henry’s wife. Katherine Hepburn’s Eleanor in “Lion” is I would say a much more accurate portrait of that redoubtable lady. The Anouilh/Anhalt Eleanor(Pamela Brown) serves her purpose in the script quite well, but her hyper-pious, weak but annoying portrayal is not accurate, at least not according to whatever I have read about Eleanor, who was a clever and determined medieval politician.
I’m not even getting involved in the Norman-Saxon thing which is largely beyond the meaning of the story and its aesthetic or spiritual points. For the record, it appears that Becket was Norman, not Saxon.
But this is a great film, much greater than “Lion” which has excellent performances but not the emotional/spiritual depth of Anouilh. So, with those asides, I turn to the film itself.
What always seemingly fascinated Anouilh, whether writing about the Middle Ages or 20th century Europeans, was the interior experience, the inner man or woman and what they went through in their own minds and hearts–and at what cost and with what effects, inner and outer. The historical record does not tell us a lot about Henry II and Becket in this regard, but the story of the two of them has almost endless opportunities for exploring these ideas.
I have already mentioned Becket’s quick “conversion” upon his appoinment as Archbishop. This is handled quickly in the movie, with a short scene of Becket having a sort of give-away, apparently at home, where people are invited to come and take what they please. What is really effective is not the quality of the goods(which I have mostly forgotten)but the quality of the attitude Becket takes, his facial expression, his whole aspect. This is clearly a man making a big change but doing it for cause, not just for power. There is a sense in which he is still Becket, but also a new man.
Becket’s fairly sudden change from supporter of royal power to defender of church rights is a matter of historical record. But Anouilh seems to have seen it as more than that, or at least having deeper roots than just power and ambition. Without making too much of it, and without histrionics, he manages to make Becket’s change not only quick but inevitable and also honorable. It should be noted, incidentally, that over the whole arc of history since the Middle Ages, Becket would be seen by most historians, psychologists and other scholars as on “the wrong side of history.” But Anouilh wrote him and Burton played him just the opposite, a crusader not for an oppressive church power(and you could make an argument for that), but for church independence from political meddling and rapacious ambition(you could make an argument for that too).
Anouilh seems to have been obsessed, among other things, with honor and the role honor plays in human relationships–and particularly with its apparent competition with love. Becket, it appears is really an empty man, a friend of the king but not as fond of the king as the king is of him, loving his mistress, but not with the tenderness with which she loved him, looking for something/someone to love and finally reaching this emotional ambition in his complex relationship with God.
But the conclusion is not quite the one we might have expected. Some people would say that he found the truth or at least his true love, in love of God. But this is not quite correct, not completely. In Anouilh’s mind, Becket never could quite love God. But he did come to love the “Honor of God,” and while this did not make his life complete it came as close as anything ever did. Becket is basically a lonely man, lonely for some kind of intimacy, but he fails to find it in human relationships and in honors and accomplishments. He also finds just the love of God not quite totally fulfilling. It is only when he comes to love God’s honor that he is complete, or as close as he’s likely to get on the earth. And I guess you could say that there is a sense in which the honor of God is a substitute, a substitute for a man who longs for love but cannot love fully–except perhaps in this one thing.
I guess you could say that according to Anouilh, if not to any historical sources, Becket’s later actions flow from this feeling, this love of God’s honor. Becket defies the king in the matter of the errant knight and this sets off a broader, overall quarrel about the King’s drive for more power and Becket’s determination to defend the Church’s power(its honor)against him. He flees to France where a sympathetic but cagey King Charles VII offers him shelter and support, but only within the limits which he thinks, literally, politic. Pope Alexander III pursues a similar policy-outwardly backing Becket’s actions, blessing and encouraging him, but taking no substantial action to help Becket with the struggle with his own king. So, in the end, he is almost literally a man alone, standing for his honor, or God’s and with no help except that of a few loyal followers, none of them extremely powerful or influential in the councils of the world. The world, apparently, was not yet ready to recognize all the internal conflicts we see in this story’s 20th-century retelling; but it is unproven, but not unfeasible that those conflicts could have been there, much as the playwright stated.
But what about Henry II? Though seldom overlooked, he is often taken not too seriously in this conflict. He may have been on what many moderns would call the right side of history but he was on the wrong side of showmanship. Even to moderns, Becket makes a more appealing character, a man who fought for principle against all his “worldly” interests and eventually died for it. Henry’s case has been, I think, to some extent let go, except perhaps by his personal biographers.
How much Henry was like Peter O’Toole’s portrayal of him, I don’t know. But O’Toole apparently read some of the sources or at least the histories of him and had some idea of what he was doing. Whether he discussed his role with Anouilh or Anhalt I don’t know. He played Henry as a not entirely unlikely character. Born to be a king and behaving like one, he could be arrogant, grasping and arbitrary. He might have been a tough boss and he quite possibly was (Becket likely would have agreed) a difficult friend. But he also seems to have had humor, some imagination, and the intelligence or at least the political acumen to play a crafty game himself. And behind all of that there may have been some realization of his background (The Plantagenets) and his duty to carry on the tradition.
But Henry also, like so many people of the past whose inner lives we have to guess at, was fertile ground for the intellectual/psychological ambition of Anouilh, and he gets his moments on stage/screen which are worthy of note. Early on we get a look at his character when he and Becket want the same girl for the night. Henry yields but insists that Becket promise to pay him back, favor-for-favor, a promise Henry later on holds him to with tragic results. There is serious doubt as to the historical accuracy of this incident, but it does give us an insight to some assumptions about Henry–assumptions that may have been true.
But the main emotion that Henry seems to feel through out the story is one of betrayal. He raised Becket to the top and look what he got for it. And this is not without some justification. It appears that medieval appointments of this sort were often made for a mixture of ecclesiastical and political reasons and that each side expected to get something. Henry had expected loyalty from Becket. He did not get it.
Was Becket the one more deserving of our admiration here? Yes, I think he was. He behaved with honor, as he intended. But Henry reacted, in Anouilh’s mind, as much out of personal as political feelings. Though his outrage as a King was real enough, he seems more moved by his betrayal by a friend–the personal was more important than the political(perhaps usually the case with an artist rather than a politician).
We see this in more ways than one, but particularly in a couple of revelatory scenes in which Henry expresses his true self and his true pain. “I loved him and he loved me less,’” or words to that effect are heard. Henry sounds almost like a jilted lover. Today this would likely lead to an extensive discussion of whether there was a sexual relationship between these two. I doubt seriously there was, but I think it’s possible there was a mental/emotional sexual longing, perhaps usually subliminal, on the part of Henry. I’m less certain about Becket.
But here is the real story in my opinion-whether Anouilh would agree I don’t know. The fact is that pain is pain and unrequited love is unrequited love, sexual or not, homosexual or not. And this is the source of the main part of Henry’s very real pain, regardless of how aware of it he may be. Again, whether this is historically true is uncertain, but dramatically and emotionally true, it certainly is, and this was what Anouilh was good at finding–the actual source of the pain, whether medieval or 20th century, and in many cases finding them to be much alike.
This is particularly seen in that Henry is told by Becket at one point that he must learn to be alone and later on he echos this advice to an aide who inquires as to his emotional state. “I am learning to be alone,” he says. I doubt a medieval monarch would ever had said this, possibly might have had trouble understanding it. But it fits perfectly here, and it marries the despair a medieval king felt to the 20th century idea of personal disappointment and loneliness.
In the end Henry loses his temper and cries out something about which there has been some conflict of opinion and much dispute. “Will someone not rid me of the criminous clerk(cleric)?’ is one version. Or perhaps it was “of this troublesome priest?” In any event, it was something like that, which induced four of his knights to take him not only seriously but literally. They went after Becket and murdered him in his own cathedral.
Henry comes off at the end as both defiant and broken. He is forced to do a penance for his role in Becket’s murder, which consists of having several monks whip his back in public. He goes through the required ceremony of thanking them, then, in a contemptuous aside, refers to them as pigs. It has always seemed to me that there is something approaching heroic in Henry’s reaction to this. He is a man in considerable physical pain and much greater psychological pain–but he is still King and he goes on.
His life will be more empty now, but at least he has a purpose. He will pursue his own destiny and duty and if he must do it without the love of a good friend or a warm woman, then that will be his lot. But he will do it anyway. He has learned to be alone.
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The State of the Union Address–Some Things to Watch for Tonight
In just about 9 hours President Joe Biden will come into the House chamber accompanied by thunderous applause and will make his way, amid cheering and handshakes, to the podium where he will be greeted by Speaker McCarthy and Vice President Harris, both smiling but the latter a bit more sincerely.
People involved in covering the news and/or watching American politics often give advice on what one may glean from this almost annual affair, so here is my effort. I have not read what anyone else has written about this so far, so only I am responsible for what I say, the good, the bad and the in between.
First of all, take note of the reception the President gets. It is nearly always enthusiastic with members of Congress who have no use for the President for his Administration pressing to get a chance for a handshake. I suspect that this is due to at least 3 things–1) The publicity is likely enormous 2) The “all together” spirit of the two combined Houses on a possibly momentous occasion is easy to spread 3) At least some of the Members actually feel they are part of a tradition that needs to be honored, regardless of who is in the White House doing what.
So an attitude of enthusiasm is more or less an assumption. But to the extent possible, try to discern the sincerity of it, particularly on the part of the Republicans, although current polls would suggest watching both sides carefully. It is very unlikely that the President will receive anything but outward enthusiasm but any indication of boredom or non-enthusiasm MIGHT indicate something. Also, watch how many times he gets interrupted by applause and how enthusiastic it sounds–perhaps most of all, is it coming only from his own supporters? Usually it is and I doubt tonight will be different.
Turning to the address itself, how much time does the President give to domestic policy as opposed to foreign policy/national security? The Chinese airborne circus of the past few days has added, I’d say, to the amount of time the latter will get. But the emphasis will still be domestic, the economy followed at a close second, by violence, particularly police violence in America.
He will point out the extremely low unemployment rate and what may be a significant beginning to a decline in inflation. He has to be careful of this latter, because a great many citizens are still wincing at two main places–the gasoline pump and the check-out line at the supermarket. This is part of why he gets low marks from so many of his people on the economy, despite figures many past presidents would have drooled at. He needs to acknowledge this in some manner, and make some comment about why he thinks the Administration will pull it all together in time.
Regarding foreign policy, he needs to consider the misery of Turkey and Syria in the wake of the earthquake disaster there. He must show the US is open handed and ready to help, and I’m pretty sure he will do that. It’s the morally correct thing to do, it’s more likely to be politically advantageous, and it might forestall some of the attacks on the US regarding foreign policy matters, particularly the Chinese issue.
But the big one in foreign policy is still Russia-Ukraine. Here the President has a good record, having held together a somewhat tenuous alliance for about a year; he has done so in the face of incompetent determination and senseless seeming willingness to spend lives, Russians and others, from Putin. There have been a few cracks in the alliance hinted at but nothing too serious yet. The President must make it clear that the US and NATO are there to stay in Eastern Europe, and as backers of a free Ukraine, but will gladly seek the way of peace if given a reasonable chance.
The Chinese thing is a puzzle. It clearly was intentional on the part of the Chinese, something that was not obvious when we first heard about it. It would be interesting to hear the President comment on this and on the one floating around over South America and about which we seem to hear very little.
More to the point, the President needs to emphasize that far from waiting, he made the decision to shoot the balloon down early(Wednesday last week)and told the military to do it as soon as it was possible without endangering the main land US population. He does need to explain why the information was not made public earlier. So far he has not done this and the opposition will take advantage of this if feasible.
Then, again, what about the recent reports that this had happened other times, once during this Administration and three (3!)times during the previous one. No announcement or public statement regarding these was ever made. We need to know why not and whether there was good reason for hiding those(I doubt it) and releasing information about this one(almost certainly correctly, if slowly, handled)
Regarding both domestic and foreign policy, note how much the President seems willing to hold out a hand to Republicans and how much he is critical of them, particularly of their shrinking but ever noisy MAGA wing. The President has some legitimate accomplishments(the chips bill, the infrastructure action)on which he received some helpful Republican assistance. This needs to be acknowledged with respect but without being shy about the fact that the Administration is still in charge. And he needs some way to chastise the far right(or wherever the MAGA people are)without enraging them beyond their limited tempers and without insinuating that the MAGA ideas so frequently heard are typical of the Republican Party(actually, some of them are, but this is not a good time to point it out).
To close this out, I suggest that one of the most important things here will be the President’s demeanor. As is obvious from the above, a State of the Union Address is of necessity an exercise in balance. The President needs to show he can do this deftly and I think he will. Beyond that, he heeds to project calmness, authority and strength. This does not, of course, consist of trying to out-Trump Donald by braggart like behavior and unnecessary confrontations. It consists of gentlemanly behavior combined with determination. This is a combination which Biden is usually good at projecting, most likely because it’s the truth about him.
One other thing–those “responses”that nearly all the networks do after the speech, each side getting its say. Of course it’s important to let each side say what it wishes . But usually a careful observer knows pretty well what it’ll be. So watch them if you wish–the worst they will do is bore you. I think I’ll watch a movie or read a good book instead, or maybe do an old “Frazier.” If I feel so inspired, I’ll be back soon to comment on the evening.